Late Medieval Books, Adam Murimuth Continuation

Adæ Murimuth Continuatio Chronicaru. M. Robertus De Avesbury De Gestis Mirabilibus Regis Edwardi Tertii. Edited By Edward Maunde Thompson, Hon. LL.D. St. Andrews; Hon. D.C.L. Durham; F.8.A. Principal Librarian of the British Museum. Published by the Authority of the Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty’s Treasury, under the direction of the Master of the Rolls. London: Printed for her Majesty's Stationery Office, by Eyre and Spottiswoode, printers to the Queen’s Most Excellent Majesty. 1889.

INTRODUCTION

All that can be traced of the life of Adam Murimuth has been already investigated by the Bishop of Oxford and described in his Introduction to the Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward I. and Edward II. (vol. i, pp. lx. sqq.) in this Series. In following the path thus made smooth for me, I have little more to do than to mark the confirmation which the Bishop's suggestions regarding the period of our writer's life receive from the complete chronicle now first printed in this volume.

Murimuth was born between Michaelmas, 1274, and Michaelmas, 1275. The year of his death was 1347. Under nine suecessive years in his chronicle, from 1338 to 1346, he gives his own age, and, although some confusion is caused by an omission and repetition by the carelessness of the scribe, the numbers come right in the end. At Michaelmas 1338 (p. 87) he states that he was in his 64th year; in 1339 (p. 102), in his 65th year. Under 1340 and the four following years (pp. 116, 122, 128,147, 159) the reckoning is wrong, being written as his 67th to 71st, instead of his 66th to 70th, years; but under 1345 (p. 176) the true order is restored, and he appears as in his 71st year; and finally in 1846 (p. 218) as in his 72nd year.

The last event recorded in his chronicle took place at the beginning of 1347; and in that year the rectory of Wraysbury in Buckinghamshire which he held was given to his suecessor, John de Melton, who was instituted on the 26th of June. These facts seem to afford pretty conclusive proof that Murimuth died in the first half of 1347, in the course, if not after the completion, of his 72nd year.

Adam appears to have belonged to a family of the name of Murimuth, which was settled at Fifield in Oxfordshire. He was no doubt educated at Oxford; and it is as proctor for his university in a suit at the court of Rome against the Black Friars, in 1311, that he first appears before us. He was at this period a doctor of civil law and in his 36th or 37th year. In the middle of the next year, as he himself records (p. 18), he was again despatched to Avignon to represent archbishop Winchelsey in his quarrel with bishop Langton of Coventry, who had appealed to the pope against the sentence of excommunication passed on him by hie metropolitan."That he was employed by Reynolds at Avignon in 1313 seems improbable; it is more likely that as agent of the chapter of Canterbury he would be advocating the confirmation of Cobham's election."¹

Note 1. Chron. Edw. I. II., vol. i., p. 4 lxii.

Early in 1314 he was once more sent to the papal court as one of the king’s envoys on behalf of John de Sandale, nominated dean of St. Paul's.¹ He was probably also about this time appointed to the rectory of Hayes in Middlesex, as in November of the same year he had the king’s protection in that living.² It does not appear whether he returned to England after the lastmentioned mission; at all events, at the close of 1316 he is still found at Avignon, being addressed, along with others, in royal letters which announced the despatch of other envoys to the pope.³

Note 1. Fœdera, ii. 243.

Note 2. Newcourt, Repertorium, 1. 640.

Note 3. Fœdera, ii. 805.

In the same year, 1316, he received a pension from the prior and convent of Canterbury for faithful counsel given; and he continued to act as their proctor down to the year 1318.¹

Note 1. See the references in Chron. Edw. I. II., vol. i., p. Ixii.

On the 6th of August, 1317, the king, addressing the pope on the matter of differences between the provinces of Canterbury and York, refers him for information to John de Ros and Adam Murimuth,"clericos nostros in sacrosanct curià Romani moram facientes."¹ In 1319 Murimuth was back in England and"represented the chapter of Canterbury in the parliament at York."² In the same year he returned again to Avignon, to obtain the pope's assent to a grant from the clergy to the crown.³

Note 1. Fœdera, ii. 839.

Note 2. hron. Edw. I. II., vol. i., p. Ixiii.

Note 3. See below, p. 80.

On the 1st of April, 1320, he was collated to the prebend of Bullinghope in Hereford cathedral,"probably by the gift of bishop Orleton, with whom he had been associated at Avignon,"¹ but resigned it in the following February.⁵"In 1321 and 1322 he was acting as official and vicar general of Stephen Gravesend, bishop of London."³

Note 1. Chron. Edw. I. II. vol. i., p. xiii.

Note 2. Le Neve, Fasti, i. 496.

Note 3. Chron. Edw. I. II., vol. i., p. Ixiii.

In 1898 Adam, styled"canonicus Herefordis," was despatched on a mission to Robert of Naples, respecting Edward's claims against him as to lands in Provence and Forcalquier;¹ and again, later in the year, he was appointed to oppose the Scottish envoys who were suing at the papal court for the removal of the interdict passed upon their country,² superseding, as the king’s envoy, John Stratford, bishop of Winchester,³ who had given offence to his master by securing his own promotion to that see by papal provision.

Note 1. Fœdera, ii. 531.

Note 2. See below, p. 41

Note 3. Fœdera, ii. 532.

"In 1325 he obtained what was apparently his first preferment at St. Paul's, being made prebendary of Eald-street by bishop Gravesend, on the 16th of May; he was high in favour with archbishop Reynolds, and was acting as his vicar general the same year, in the August of which he had letters of protection as intending to accompany the king on his expedition to France. It would seem clear from this that he was in high favour with the court party, and it was probably this which obtained for him the chantorship of Exeter, which he held in 1328 and probably received from the unfortunate bishop Stapleton shortly before the revolution of which he was the first victim."¹

Note 1. Chron. Edw. I. II., vol. i., p. Ixiii.

Early in the same year, 1328, he had exchanged his prebend of Eald-street for that of Neasdon, to which he was collated on the 2nd of February.¹ The fact that he was on this occasion styled Adam Murimuth senior proves that there was also a second person of his name, with whom he has been confounded. This second Adam held the prebend of Harleston in the church of St. Paul's,² and was also a prebendary of Exeter. He died in 1870. The elder Murimuth, our chronicler, had been connected with the church of Exeter at least as early as 1327."In 1327 he was one of the deputation sent by the chapter to the king to report the death of James Berkeley, the short-lived bishop, who had been consecrated three months before. In 1328 he was confirmed by the king in the possession of the precentorship; and in 1337 he exchanged that office for the rectory of Wyrardisbury, in the diocese of Lincoln, a place now known as Wraysbury, in Buckinghamshire. In 1338, on the 5th of June, he had from the chapter, on the grounds of his deserts as residentiary, a lease of the manor of Barnes for his life and tenure of his canonry. The identity of the canon of St. Paul's with the precentor of Exeter is proved by the fact that in 1335 an Adam Murimuth bearing both those titles was also commissary of the archbishop of Canterbury."³

Note 1. Newcourt, Repertorium, i. 184.

Note 2. Newcourt, i. 152.

Note 3. Chron. Edw. I. II., vol. i., p. lxv.

The only other record we have of Murimuth appears under the year 1334, in connection with the pension which he held from the prior and convent of Christ Church, Canterbury. On the 9th of July the convent declined to make payment, on the ground that Adam had been promoted, in which event the pension, by the original agreement, was to determine. What this promotion was, does nut appear; but it has been suggested that it was to the appointment of official of the diocese of Canterbury. However this may be, Murimuth succeeded in persuading the prior that he was still entitled to his pension, payment of which was accordingly resumed.¹

Note 1. Litera Cantuarienses (Rolls Series), ii. 59, 70.

From the above narrative it will be seen that the last leading event in Murimuth’s life was his acceptance of the rectory of Wraysbury in exchange for the precentorship of Exeter in 1337. He probably passed most, if not all, of the remainder of his days, between this new living and St. Paul's. The termination of the first edition of his chronicle, as will presently be described, in the same year, and the commencement in 1338 of his practice of annually recording his age would also indicate a change in his way of life at this period. In his days a sexagenarian was regarded as a man well stricken in years, and we may imagine that it was with a certain pride that year after year the old chronicler could still write down the reckoning of his life even beyond the allotted three score years and ten. It may even have been the gratification of this little personal vanity that led him to keep on adding to his chronicle down to the very year of his death.

The"Continuatio Chronicarum," as Murimuth entitles his work, covers, in its full extent, a period of forty-four years, from 1303 to the beginning of 1347. In his preface (which, it may be noted, seems never to have received final revision) the writer briefly explains that in his examination of other chronicles he had found that they did not proceed beyond the year 1302, excepting those at Westminster which were carried on to 1305. Starting therefore with the year 1808, he drew his material for that and the two following years from the Westminster chronicles; and thence, from after 1305, when, as he says, he was of an age to use his own observation and to chronicle events, in Biblical phrase,"ex libro dierum meorum,"¹ all that he records is"ex visu et auditu mei temporis²." He also announces his departure from the usual practice of dating the commencement of the year either from Christmas or from Lady-day, and his very absurd adoption of Michaelmas as the beginning of his chronicular year.

Note 1. It seems that Murimuth uses the phrase only in a figurative sense; and that we must not look for an actual existent"liber" of contemporary history.

Note 2."ex visu et auditu mei temporis" i.e. from the sight and hearing of my time.

This new arrangement brought him into trouble almost at the outset. His first year, 1303, he rightly styles the 3lst year of Edward I. His year 1304 he begins with Michaelmas 1303, thus anticipating by three months, and he places it in the 32nd regnal year, which, however, did not commence till the 20th November. His year 1805 begins with Michaelmas 1304, and is styled the 33rd regnal year; and it is carried on to Michaelmas 1306, thus really embracing two years. When, therefore, he begins his year 1306, he is nine months in arrear; but from this point he becomes consistent, and always dates his year from the Michaelmas of the actual year. It is scarcely necessary to add that the confusion in the papal years is as bad as in the regnal years. And this perverse chronological craze answered no purpose whatever. Murimuth’s system was soon found to be inconvenient, as is evident from the not infrequent interpolation of the true year in different MSS.

The early part of the work, containing the history of the years 1303 to 1387, the portion which was apparently of the early published before he took up the living of Wraysbury, the work. as already described, is particularly meagre in its information. We should naturally suppose that one, who had for many years led an active public life and had even had a share in some of the principal events of his day, would have been more communicative in his account of them. The chronicle in its present form was evidently begun after the year 1325, when Murimuth became canon of St. Paul’s; and was probably made up, for the earlier years, from scanty notes and from personal recollection. During his years of diplomatic service, Murimuth would have had little leisure for literary work, and must have been content to jot down events in a condensed form; and he himself implies as much when, in his preface, he uses the words"facta præcipua ponderavi et ea scripsi breviter meo modo¹." Brief as this portion is, however, it has the value of a contemporary work; and, as such, it appears, if we may judge from the MSS. that have survived, to have been held in some estimation both in Murimuth’s own church of St, Pauls, and elsewhere. The Annales Paulini which have been printed in the Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward I. and Edward II. show in parts, particularly between the years 1332 and 1837, a close connection with Murimuth’s work, and are, I venture to think, indebted for material to a copy of this early portion, or first edition, of his chronicle, such as has survived in some of our MSS.

Note 1."facta præcipua ponderavi et ea scripsi breviter meo modo" i.e."I have pondered the principal deeds and written them briefly in my own way."

With the later portion of the work the case is different. When compiling it, Murimuth had ample leisure, and, later though he never errs on the side of great fulness of detail, his account of current events becomes far more interesting; and in the last years the chronicle is of particular value for the history of the campaigns in France and of the different negotiations in connection with them. Murimuth's position in the church of St. Paul's gave him access to documents and private information of which he has here freely availed himself.

The chronicle was first edited by Anthony Hall, together with the continuation of the annals of Nicholas Trivet and the"Speculum Ccenobitarum" of John Boston, in a volume which he published at Oxford in 1722, He made use of the MS. 304 in Queen's College (described below) as the basis of his text, collating the copy in Magdalen MS. 53 (see below) and another MS. which was in possession of the earl of Cardigan. This edition, however, gave only the first version of the chronicle, brought down to Michaelmas 1337; but was supplemented hy a continuation to 1380, also found in the Queen's MS. This continuation, as it is in no way the work of Murimuth, we need not stay to examine.

In 1846 a new edition was attempted by Mr. Thomas Hog for the English Historical Society. Making use of the various MSS. of Murimuth in the British Museum, Mr. Hog compiled from them a text to the year 1346; at the end of which he reprinted the continuation to 1380 already published by Hall. But, although he had thus under his hands the material for a perfect edition of the chronicle, by some strange oversight he neglected to make full use of the one MS. which contains the text in its most complete form. He appears to have been content to collate the Harley MS. 3836 only as far as the place in the year 1337 where Hall's text ends, although in his preface he recognizes the value of the MS. and its extent.

The text of the present edition is based upon the of Harley MS., collated with the other MSS, which I now proceed to describe, prefixing to each the letter or abbreviation by which they are indicated in the foot-notes:—

H.—Harley MS. 3836, in the British Museum, is a small square octavo of 69 leaves. Vellum. It contains the full text of the chronicle in its latest version, ending at the beginning of the year 1347; roughly and carelessly written on badly prepared and coarse material, some of the leaves being formed of remnants of skins, the ink faded more or less throughout the volume, and the earlier pages injured by damp in the lower margins; of the latter part of the l4th century.

Contemporary titles are written in the margins, and a few later notes have been added.

The text was evidently transcribed from a MS. of which only a portion survives in the Additional MS. 32,167. The proof of this is found in certain clerical errors, ¢.g.:—The passage"beneficia.... sups portan[tes]" (see p. 138 below), which fills a line in the Add. MS., is omitted, and the previous word"pinguiora" has the terminating"tes" tacked on to it; again,"pro pace.... prosapia" (p. 180), an exact line in the original, is also omitted.

The MS. belonged to lord William Howard of Naworth"Belted Will," third son of Thomas, 4th duke of Norfolk, ob. 1640.

A.—Additional MS. 32,167, in the British Museum, is an octavo fragment of 47 leaves. Vellum. It contains the text from the middle of the year 1333 to the campaign of 1346 (pp. 68-203). Seventeen leaves are wanting from the beginning and a few from the end, The writing is legible, and has remained in good order; of the latter part of the 14th century.

There are contemporary marginal titles.

At the foot of the first page is written the name of Ra: Bosvile, probably that of sir Ralph Bosvile, or Bosville, of Brabourne in Kent, who was living in the first half of the 17th century.

Ar.—Arundel MS. 18, in the College of Arms, is a small folio of 17 leaves, bound up with a number of other MSS."Vellum. It contains the continuation of Trivet, as published by Hall, with some variations; and Murimuth's chronicle from 1303 to 1337. The text is well written, though not very correctly, in a hand of the middle of the 14th century.

Q.—MS. 304, in Queen's College, Oxford, is a folio volume of 187 leaves. Vellum. It contains the chronicle of Peter de Ickham, Boston's"Speculum Coenobitarum," the Annals of Trivet, and Murimuth's chronicle to 1337 (f. 151 b) with a continuation to 1380, and some other pieces. It is well written, with ornamental initials and borders; and belonged to John Merylynch, a monk of Glastonbury, in tbe reign of Henry VI.

As already noticed, this MS. was used by Hall.

C.—Cotton MS. Claudius E. viii, in the British Museum, is a large folio of 267 leaves. Vellum. It contains the"Flores Historiarum" of Matthew of Westminster, followed by Murimuth's chronicle (ff. 237-257) to the year 1341 (see p. 121 below), and various documents, some of which are printed in the Appendix in this volume, with some other pieces. The text of Murimuth is divided into chapters with titles The volume was written for Henry Spenser, bishop of Norwich [1370-1406], whose arms are introduced into some of the illuminated initials, which, together with many handsome borders, adorn the chief pages. The date of the MS. is about A.D. 1400.

M.— MS. 53, in Magdalen College, Oxford, is a broad octavo of 165 leaves Vellum. It consists of several works of various dates from the 12th to the 15th century, among them being Lives of Saints, a chronicle of Durham, Hemingburgh’s chronicle, and other pieces, including a copy of Murimuth’s chronicle (pp. 82-136) to the year 1341, divided into chapters with titles, as in C., and many of the documents also which appear in C., although not quite in the same order. The date of this MS. of Murimuth is the first quarter of the 15th century.

R.—Royal MS. 18 A. xviii, in the British Museum, is a large octavo of 211 leaves. Vellum. It consists of various historical and other works bound together, among them being a copy of Henry of Huntingdon’s"Historia Anglorum," of the 14th century. The chronicle of Murimuth (ff. 117-135) is carried down to the year 1343.; and is written in a good hand, not much later than the middle of the 14th century.

All the different works in the MS, with the exception of the last, which was added later, appear to have been put together in the 15th century, the leaves having then been numbered in one series. The first tract,"Ivonis Carnotensis Epistolz," of the 15th century, is marked"de dono reverendi magistri fratris Roberti Yvori, conventus Londoniensis."

N.—Cotton MS. Nero D. x. in the British Museum, is a large folio of 198 leaves, consisting of various works indiscriminately bound together. The leaves numbered 105-137, of vellum, form a portion of a historical MS. which has lost both the beginning and end. This fragment now begins with the year 1287, two lines of writing which gave the conclusion of the events of 1286 having been erased; and the following title has been written at the head of the page in the time of sir Robert Cotton: "Cronica Nicholai Trevit,"ordinis Predicatorum, ab anno Christi MCCLXXXVII. ad annum Mccoxxin. Continuatio per Adamum de Merimouth ad annum McCCCXLVII." This title is founded on a memorandum which appears in the body of the text in the middle of the year 1323, preceded by the rubric"Tractatus magistri Ade de Merymouth," thus:—"Memorandum quod ab hoc loco assumitur transcriptum de tractatu magistri Adæ de Merymouth, quem idem ipse composuit de gestis Anglorum et aliis contentis post cessationem fratris Nicholai Trivett, theologi de ordine Predicatorum et precedentis tractatus auctoris. Sed notandum quod ipse magister Adam non observat datam Nativitatis Domini aut coronationis regis temporibus usitatis. Ad festum sancti Michaelis incipit et terminat datam anni auctor predictus."¹

Note 1. It is to be noted that from this place a transcript is taken from the treatise of Master Adam of Merymouth, which he himself composed about the deeds of the English and other matters contained after the cessation of Brother Nicholas Trivett, a theologian of the Order of Preachers and author of the preceding treatise. But it should be noted that Master Adam does not observe the date of the Nativity of the Lord or the coronation of the king according to the usual times. The author begins and ends the date of the year with the feast of Saint Michael.

The former part of the text however is a compilation from Trivet and Matthew of Westminster; and the rest, which bears the name of Murimuth, while it follows the ordinary version down to the siege of Tournay in 1340 (see p. 114 below), from thence begins to differ, and has some considerable variations which are shown in the Appendix. It also incorporates many documents relating to papal provisions and diplomatic affairs; and is brought down to the campaign of 1346 in the south of France, closing with lists of prisoners, places captured, etc. It may be noticed that the compiler is very bitter against the Scots.

It is probable that several leaves are iost from the beginning; and that a single leaf is wanting at the end. The date of the writing is probably not much later than the middle of the 14th century, and, if a later marginal memorandum on f. 184 b of a great storm of wind in 1861-2 was entered contemporaneously with that event, the text must have been written before that year.

At the foot of the last page is written the name * Johannes de London.," of the 14th century, which may be that of an owner.

O.—Cotton MS. Otho C. ii, in the British Museum, is one of the volumes which were partially destroyed in the fire of 1731, and now consists of 138 leaves and fragments of vellum, all more or less damaged. It contains the"Flores Historiarum" of Matthew of Westminster, continued by a chronicle which partly agrees with the text of Trivet and seems to have been one of the MSS. used by Walsingham in the compilation of his"Historia Anglicana." Then follows (ff. 90-107) the chronicle of Murimuth, corresponding in some degree with the text of N., but not so full and wanting the documents. After the account of the battle of Neville’s Cross, the text falls in with the ordinary continuation, as printed by Hall and Hog. The latter part of the volume is occupied by documents of the years 13391841; and by the anonymous chronicle of the end of the reign of Edward III, as printed in the Chronicon Angliæ in this Series. The date of the MS. is of the latter part of the 14th century.

This copy of Murimuth has been partially used in the present edition for collation with N., and to supply a small part of the text in the Appendix.

In addition to the above, I have also made slight use of the Harley MS. 1729, in the British Museum, containing an imperfect copy of Higden’s"Polychronicon," of the 15th century, into which is incorporated Murimuth’s chronicle from the beginning of Edward III.'s reign to 1339. After this year there is a gap, the text proceeding immediately with the text of Higden from 1353. The enlargement of the personal history of bishop Grandison of Exeter and other local details which occur in this MS. were no doubt additions originally made to some copy of Murimuth’s chronicle at Exeter, his connection with the cathedral church of that place accounting for its presence there.

Hearne has printed the portion relating to the reign of Edward III. at the end of his edition of Hemingford (Oxon. 1731) with the title"Anonymi Historia Edwardi Tertii antehoc inedita."¹ in connection with the compilation of English history of the 15th century, found in the Cotton MS. Cleopatra A. xvi. and partly copied from a MS. in Chetham’s Library, Manchester, it is necessary to notice it, although it contains only an epitome of part of Munmuth’s chronicle. It extends from 1109 to 1367; the first part, to the middle of 1325, being attributed to Robert of Reading, a monk of Westminster. From thence to 1345 it is said to be the work of Murimuth:"Ab anno igitur gracie MCCCXXV. hucusque magister Adam Mirimouth, quondam legis peritus ac ecclesie sancti Pauli Londoniensis cononicus, premissa eronicavit."² The rest bears the name of John de R., monk of Westminster.

Note 1. As Murimuth's name appears From thence to 1845

Note 2."Therefore, from the year of grace 1325 until now, Master Adam of Mirimouth, formerly an expert in law and canon of the Church of St. Paul in London, has recorded the aforementioned.

Of Robert of Avesbury we unfortunately know nothing more than can be gathered from tho title of his work, wherein he describes himself as registrar of the court of the archbishop of Canterbury. His chronicle of the"mirabilia gesta" of Edward the Third is a military history of the reign to the year 1856. With the exception of some account of the quarrel between the king and archbishop Stratford and the publication of the documents connected therewith, and of the protest of the parliament of 1343 against papal provisions, no notice is taken of ecclesiastical affairs; nor does the civil history of the country fare better. Expeditions, negotiations, and treaties form the material in which Avesbury delights; and his information with regard to them is of no inconsiderable value, not so much from his own contributions as from the correspondence and documents which he embodies in his text. Holding a publie position, he had access to some of the material of which Murimuth also makes use; and dealing as they do, in part at least, with the same period of English history, it seemed appropriate to bring the two chronicles together into one volume.

Avesbury's chronicle has hitherto been printed only once, by Thomas Hearne, at Oxford, in 1720. Hearne’s edition, like the rest of his work, was executed with care, but has become very scarce. He made use of the only three extant MSS., which I have also again collated for the present edition. They are as follows:—

H.—Harley MS. 200, in the British Museum, is a small octavo of 205 leaves. Vellum. It contains: * Cronikes de tout Engleterre," a copy of the French Brute chronicle to the year 1332 (ff. 1-76), and Avesbury’s chronicle (ff. 76 5-146), both written in the same hand of the beginning of the 15th century. With these is bound a copy of Ailred of Rievaulx’s Life of Edward the Confessor, in Latin, of the end of the 12th century. A leaf from an illuminated French MS. of the latter part of the 15th century is inserted as a decoration at the beginning of the volume.

[1307]. And he caused Lord William of Langetone, the Bishop of Coventry, who was the treasurer of England during his father’s time, to be imprisoned by the two brothers J. and R. of Feltone, who led him to York; which brothers later met a bad end. On account of this act, Pope Boniface made a special constitution against all who would lay violent hands on bishops, under whatever pretext sought.

Et dominum Willelmum de Langetone, episcopum Coventriensem, qui fuit thesaurarius Anglie tempore patris sui, fecit carceri mancipari per duos fratres J. et R. de Feltone, qui eum ad Eboracum duxerunt; qui fratres postea mala morte finierunt. Cujus facti occasione papa Bonifacius fecit constitutionem specialem contra omnes qui in episcopos manus injicerent® violentas, quocumque colore quesito.

[1307]. Likewise, the nobles, indignant against said Peter, were plotting many things, as the outcome later proved. Likewise, the Count of Savoy, who was a relative and counselor of his father, together with Lord Otho of Grandisson, received a perpetual license from England.

Item, indignati nobiles contra dictum Petrum multa machinabantur, sicut exitus postea comprobavit. Item, comes Sabaudiæ, qui fuit consanguineus et consiliarius patris sui, una cum domino Othone de Grandissono licentiam perpetuam de Anglia receperunt.

[1307]. This year, the King of England being occupied with pleasures and not arms, Robert le Bruys acquired almost all the castles and fortifications of Scotland, and removed the appointed guardians there by the father of the king.

Hoc anno, rege Anglie vacante solatiis et non armis, Robertus le Bruys fere omnia castra et fortalicia Scociæ adquisivit, et custodes deputatos ibidem per patrem regis amovit.

The king took a wife. Peter of Gaverstone is in exile.

Rex duxit uxorem. Petrus de Gaverstone exulatur.

1307. Moreover, through the prelates, counts, and nobles it was arranged in Parliament at Brugh of Peter that the same Peter de Gavestone (age 23), because of his bad counsel given to the king, should be exiled from the kingdom of England. The king led him as far as Bristol and sent him to Ireland, and assigned all the profits of the land of Ireland to him; where he lived royally and was well beloved, for he was generous and lavish in giving gifts and in managing honors and lands adhering to him. This year, the king also sent a messenger to the pope for the liberation of Archbishop Robert (age 62), whom his father had previously arranged to be personally summoned to the apostolic see and suspended from the administration of temporal and spiritual matters.

1307. Postea vero per prælatos, comites, et nobiles fuit in Brujstio Petri uno parliamento ordinatum quod idem secunda. Petrus de Gavestone, propter suum malum consilium regi datum, exularet de regno Anglie. Quem rex duxit usque ad Bristolliam, et misit eum in Hiberniam, et totam utilitatem terre Hybernie assignavit eidem; ubi regaliter vixit, et fuit bene dilectus, erat enim dapsilis et largus in muneribus dandis, et honoribus et terris sibi adhærentibus procurandis. Hoc anno etiam misit rex unum nuncium papæ pro liberatione archiepiscopi Roberti, quein pater suus prius procuravit personaliter vocari ad sedem apostolicam et a temporalium et spiritualium administratione suspendi.

Robert, the archbishop, returned from the Roman court. A crime arises against the Order of the Templars.

Robertus archiepiscopus rediit de curia Romana. Oritur crimen contra Templariorum ordinem.

1308. In the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred and eight, in the third year of Pope Clement V and the second of King Edward, Robert (age 63), Archbishop of Canterbury, returned from the Roman court, fully restored. For the pope had commanded Lord William Testa, who was the administrator of the temporal and spiritual matters of the Archbishopric of Canterbury during his absence, to return to him all the fruits, rents, and revenues of the said archbishopric, which had been received in the meantime; and he faithfully fulfilled that command. So that the same archbishop was afterwards richer than he had ever been in his time; and thus he resigned to himself for the benefit that was intended for harm, since he was fatigued without cause. And Lord Robert de Berewash and Master Philip Martel, who had been sent to the court against him, suddenly expired there; hence a saying that the archbishop was accustomed to comfort with was verified: 'No adversity will harm where no injustice rules.'

Anno Domini millesimo CCC^moVIII^o papæ Clementis V^ti anno tertio et ipsius regis Edwardi secundo, rediit de curia Romana Robertus Cantuariensis archiepiscopus, plene restitutus. Mandavit enim papa domino Willelmo Testa, qui fuit in ejus absentia administrator temporalium et spiritualium archiepiscopatus Cantuariensis quod sibi redderet omnes fructus, redditus, et proventus dieti archiepiscopatus, medio tempore perceptos; qui illud mandatum fideliter &dimplevit. Ita quod idem archiepiscopus postea fuit ditior quam unquam prius suis temporibus exsistebat; et sic cessit sibi ad utilitatem quod fuit ordinatum ad noxam, quoniam sine causa exstitit fatigatus. Et dominus Robertus de Berewasch et magister. Philippus Martel, qui fuerunt missi ad curiam contra eum, ibidem subito exspirarunt; unde verificata fuit una propositio qua consuevit dominus archiepiscopus consolari:"Nihil nocebit adversitas, ubi nulla ini quitas dominatur."

[21 Sep 1327]. Afterwards, because it seemed to some that Lord Edward, the father of the king, was treated too delicately at Kenilworth, it was ordered that Lord Thomas de Berkeley and Lord John Mautravers should have custody of him. Thus, around Palm Sunday, he was secretly taken to Berkeley. And, because they feared that some might attempt to rescue him, he was moved by night to various places, namely Corfe and other secret locations. But finally, they brought him back to Berkeley, so that it was scarcely known where he was. Lord Berkeley always had custody of him for one month, during which time he treated him kindly, while Lord John Mautravers had custody during the other month, and treated him differently. The queen, indeed, sent him fine clothing and flattering letters, but she did not want to see him, pretending that the commonwealth of the kingdom did not allow it. He had expenses, namely 100 marks per month. And thus, at Berkeley and elsewhere—not where he wanted but where Lord John Mautravers chose—he lived as best as he could until the time noted below.

Postea, quia videbatur aliquibus quod dominus Edwardus pater regis apud Kenelworth fuit nimis delicate tractatus, ordinabatur quod dominus Thomas de Berkeley et dominus J[ohannes] Mautravers custodiam ipsius haberent; unde, cire Ramos palmarum, fuit usque Berkeley deductus secrete. Et, quia timuerunt aliquorum adventum ad ipsum liberandum, de loco prædicto fuit deductus de nocte ad loca diversa, videlicet ad Corf et aliqua alia loca secreta; sed finaliter reduxerunt eum ad Berkeley, ita quod vix sciri potuit ubi fuit. Sed semper dominus de Berkeley habuit custodiam uno mense, qui erga eum humaniter se habebat; et dominus J. Mautravers alio mense, qui erga eum aliter se habebat. Regina vero misit sibi indumenta delicata et literas blandientes, sed ipsum videre nolebat, fingens quod regni communitas non permisit. Expensas autem habuit, videlicet c. marcas pro mense. Et sic apud Berkeley et alibi, non quo volebat sed quo voluit dominus J[ohannes] Mautravers, taliter qualiter victitavit usque ad tempus inferius annotandum.

From there, our lord the king advanced towards Crécy, where he encountered his adversary in the field; the adversary had a very large army, estimated to be 12,000 knights and at least 60,000 other armed men. The adversary, specifically intending to attack the person of the lord king, positioned himself in the front line; to him, the lord prince, who commanded our front line, opposed himself. After a strong and prolonged conflict, the adversary was repulsed twice, and on the third attempt, after gathering his forces and army, they fought fiercely; but, with the help of God's grace, two kings fell in that conflict, namely the King of Bohemia, which is certain, and the King of Majorca, which is commonly and likely believed. Two archbishops also fell, namely the Archbishop of Sens, and the name of the other does not come to mind.

De illo processit dominus noster rex versus Cressi, ubi adversario suo occurrit in campo; qui habuit exercitum valde magnum, socilicet, secundum sstimationem, hominum xij. millia galeatorum, et aliorum armatorum ad minus sexaginta millia. Ipse vero adversariue, intendens specialiter personam domini regis invadere, posuit se in prima acie; cui dominus princeps, qui fecit nostram primam aciem, se objecit. Et, habito forti conflictu et diutino, bis adversarius cst repulsus, et tertio, congregatis viribus et exercitu suo, fortiter pugnaverunt; sed, cooperante Dei gratia, in illo conflictu ceciderunt reges duo, videlicet Beamim, de quo certum est, et Majoricarum, de quo communiter et verisimiliter opinatur, archiepiscopi duo, scilicet Senonencium, et nomen alterius non occurrit.

Furthermore, the Duke of Lorraine, the counts of Dalassonia, of Blois, Flanders, and Albemarle, of Beaumont, namely, Lord John of Hainaut, of Harcourt with his two sons; also, six counts from Germany. Other barons and knights too numerous, whose names we have not yet obtained; so that, according to the words of the Gallic captives, the flower of the entire Gallican chivalry has fallen. The King of France, it is said, was struck in the face with an arrow and barely escaped. His standard-bearer fell in his presence; and his standard was completely torn. And, praise be to Him who saves those hoping in Him, the entire army still, except for two knights and one squire, remains whole and unharmed; so that no noble perished, but only some Welshmen, not then but at another time, because they foolishly exposed themselves, were killed. Farewell in the Lord, Jesus Christ, and give thanks to God, who delivered our lord the king and his army from great danger. Written between Boulogne and Whitesand, on the second day of September.

Item, dux Lothoryngiæ, comites Dalasoniæ, de Bloys, Flandriæ, et Albamarlyæ, de Bello monte, scilicet, dominus Johannes de Hanonia, de Arecourt cum duobus filiis suis; sex etiam comites de Alemannia. Alii etiam barones et milites in numerum, ad quorum nomina non possumus adhuc devenire; ita quod, secundum dicta captivorum Gallicorum, cecidit flos totius militiæ Gallicanæ. Rex autem Franciæ, ut dicitur, percussus in facie cum sagitta, vix evasit. Vexillarius autem suus in conspectu suo cecidit; et vexillum suum fuit totaliter laceratum. Et, laudetur qui salvos facit sperantes in Se!, totus exercitus adhuc, præter duos milites et unum armigerum, manet integer et illæ; ita quod nullus nobilis periit, sed solum aliqui Wallenses, non tunc sed alias, quia se fatue exposuerunt, sunt occisi. Valete in Domino, Jesu Christo, et gratias agite Deo, qui dominum nostrum regem et exercitum suum de magno periculo liberavit. Scriptum inter Boloniam et Witesand, ij° die Septembris.

After 08 Sep 1346. However, soon after the feast of the Nativity of the Blessed Mary, Lord Bartholomew de Burghersh, senior, and Lord John Darcy, senior, and Master John Thornsly, and of Carleton, came to England to the council of ten bishops gathered at Westminster; who reported all the aforementioned and some other, yet not contradictory, details, also stating that our lord the king with his army began the siege of the town of Calais. Towards which place victuals came to him from England by sea. Perceiving this, the enemies came with twenty-five galleys and three ships from England along with other small ships carrying supplies, which they destroyed; and then they immediately withdrew stealthily.

Postea vero, cito post festum Nativitatis beatæ Mariæ, venerunt in Angliam dominus Bartholomæus de Burghasche, pater, et dominus Johannes Darsy, pater, et magister Johannes Thornsly, et de Carletone, ad concilium decem episcoporum Westmonasterii congregatorum; qui omnia præmissa et quædam alia, non tamen contraria, retulerunt, dicentes etiam quod dominus rex noster cum suo exercitu villam de Caleys obsidere incepit. Versus quem locum venerunt sibi victualia de Anglia per mare. Quod percipientes inimici, venerunt xx. quinque galeæ latenter et tres naves de Anglia una cum aliis parvis navibus victualia portantibus destruxerunt; et statim clandestine recesserunt.