Archaeologia Volume 22 Section XVI

He says it is "A paper book in folio, containing 19 leaves. It is entitled (by a late hand) An Historicall Relation of certain passages about the end of K. Edward the 3^d, and of his death;' without name or date the hand writing about two hundred years old. It appears to be a translation from the Latin of an earlier age; for the writer, where he doubts of the sense of his author, or of the propriety of his own expression, drawing a line under his own words, or leaving a blank space in his text, sets down the Latin words in the margin; as concerning Edward the Third's death, 'the disease of '(in the margin) 'anuli.' And the author seems to speak sometimes as if he lived in or near the time of which he writes; as in the following reflections on the death of the Prince of Wales; 'Truly, unless God (whoe defended hym in battayle, and hayth now taken hym from this worlde, perchaunce that we shoulde put our truste more confidently in God) holde under hys blessed hand, least the miserable Englishe men be trodden downe; yt is to be feared that our enemyes, whoe compass us on everye syde, will rage upon us even unto our utter destruction; and will taike our place and country. Arise, Lorde, helpe us, and defende us for thy names sake.' The same may be observed in some other passages which are quoted from it in the notes. It seems too to have been written recentibus odiis [with fresh hatreds], with all the acrimony of fresh resentment, by the severity with which the Duke of Lancaster, Alice Perrers, and all of that party, are treated. It is only an extract, or part of some large historical work; for it begins abruptly, 'The nighte followynge-;' and it treats of these transactions more amply and particularly than any of the common accounts of those times. What degree of credit is due to this anonymous historian, is left to the reader's judgment to determine. He will find his testimony impartially cited, where it seemed material, as well when it tends to invalidate the author's opinion, as when it confirms it.”

Assuming then that it is a translation, it should next be considered what may have been the description and date of the original Chronicle. Though, after the search which has been made, there is strong reason to doubt the existence at present of the Latin MS., I have no hesitation in believing that it was a History written by a Monk of St. Alban's, formerly belonging to Archbishop Parker, and by him lent to Fox, who made ample use of it in his narrative of the proceedings against Wicliffe. It is evident that the Latin Chronicle itself, and not the translation before us, was Fox's authority, as he has rendered it in his own words, agreeing with the sense, but not with the English phraseology of the manuscript before us. In one instance, he has quoted a few words of the original Latin.^a Stow, on the other hand, having possession of the translation (as before noticed) has frequently adopted its very words. That the original was the work of a Monk of St. Alban's is rendered more than probable by two chapters in the translation, one of them recording a legacy bequeathed to that Monastery by the Countess of Pembroke, and the other (the last chapter in the Fragment) describing the acts of the new Brotherhood, who had established themselves in the town. These incidents, as well as the burning of a brewhouse belonging to the Abbey, and afterwards of some houses in the town, are by our Chronicler recorded among events of the highest public interest.

Note a. See a note on the chapter, entitled, "Of the discorde raised in St. Paule hys Churche," &c. Fox, in the margin of his Acts and Monuments (vol. i. p. 558, ed. 1641), refers to the MS. which he had the use of, in these words: "Ex Hist. Monachi D. Albani ex accommodato D. Matth. Archiepis. Cant." Parker himself appears also to have availed himself of the MS. though he does not expressly cite it as his authority. De Ant. Brit. Eccles. p. 386. Stow's use of the translation will be shown in a note on the chapter, entitled, “The Duke indamageth the Bishopp of Winchester."

The disappearance of the original Chronicle from the collection of Archbishop Parker's manuscripts cannot now be accounted for, and must remain a subject of regret.^b Of its date, however, the internal evidence of the translation before us appears sufficient to remove all doubt. Lowth, in the passage before quoted, justly remarks that it is written recentibus odiis [with fresh hatreds], with all the acrimony of fresh resentment. The writer is a zealous partizan of the good Parliament, as it was called, and of the Romish establishment, as well as a bitter enemy to John of Gaunt, the reigning court party, and the favourers of Wicliffe. These feelings, so intense that they could hardly have subsisted at a period long after the events which first excited them had passed away, have given a more impassioned character to his style than is usually found in the records of monkish history. At the same time, there is a minuteness of detail which belongs only to contemporary narration, and there is often a considerable stress laid on circumstances which could never have been held important at any other period than that in which they occurred. The situation of the author, in a residence so near to the Metropolis, and under the government of a Superior of political and personal influence, the second in the order of those who as mitred Abbots enjoyed their seats in Parliament, may be supposed to have supplied him with opportunities of acquiring intelligence, which, in an age affording few facilities for its transmission, would have been wanting to such of his class as were remotely and obscurely placed in establishments of inferior consideration. It may be suggested too as not an improbable reason for the strong partiality which is manifested in every page, that Thomas de la Mare, our historian's Lord Abbot, is understood to have been related to SirPeter de la Mare, one of the principal heroes of his tale.

Note b Lowth, though he does not seem to have suspected that the St. Alban's History, quoted by Fox, was the original from which the Harleian MS. was translated, tells us that he caused a search to be made for that History in Parker's Library at Corpus Christi College, and he appears, from the result, to have believed that the MS. in that collection, bearing the title of J. Malverne, Continuatio Chronici Ranulphi, might have been Fox's authority, with a new name. Through the kindness, however, of the Rev. T. Shelford, I have ascertained that this MS. has nothing in common with that quoted by Fox, or with the Harleian translation, and that the only other MS. in the same library which seemed likely to be the one in question, and which is called Chronica S'cti Albani protomartyno, is merely Walsingham's History in another form. This is also nearly the case with the Continuation of Rishanger, (Cott. Faustina, B. 1x.) which another friend had pointed out to me as being likely to answer the object of my search. In these MSS. as well as in the others which I have examined, the transactions of the period in question are related with fewer particulars, and much more briefly and drily, than in the following sheets. I ought, perhaps, to make an exception with respect to a fragment of ten pages, closely written in a hand of the sixteenth century, and appearing to be a translation of a portion of an earlier Chronicle. It commences at page 169 of a volume of miscellaneous and detached fragments of early history, formerly in Stow's hands, and now in the Harleian Library, No. 247. Some extracts from it will be given in the ensuing notes.

Since the above Letter was sent to the press, I have accidentally discovered, in the miscellaneous volume (Harl. 247.) mentioned in a preceding note, a single leaf in the same handwriting as that of the Harl. MS. 6217, and evidently containing the portion of history which should immediately precede it. Through the kindness of Mr. Ellis, who has favoured me with a transcript of it, (having already obligingly assisted me in collating the proofs of the following sheets with the original MS.) I am enabled to insert it in its proper place, the text of the Chronicle, though set up in type, not having been printed off. A title at the head of the leaf, in the hand writing of Stow, tends to confirm the conjecture I have given in the preceding letter, as to the original Latin Chronicle. He calls it "Liber S. Alban' penned, as it semithe, by John the Prior of Robarts bridge, made Abbot of Boxley in anno...." The figures 1216 are added, but apparently in a later hand, and evidently through mistake. What was the real date of his removal to Boxley it is not easy to discover. In the new Edition of Dugdale's Monasticon (vol. vi. p. 460) it is stated that but few of the names of the Abbots of Boxley have occurred to the Editors of that work, and the name of John, Prior of Roberts-bridge is inserted with the foregoing date, on the authority of Hasted, the historian of Kent, who appears, however, to have derived his information from the Harleian MS. itself.

It may be proper here to notice, that it has been thought desirable to copy the orthography of the translator, but not his contractions, which, being very numerous, would have occasioned much difficulty in the perusal. Where the contraction, however, has left a doubt as to the word intended to be expressed, it has been suffered to remain.

The notes I have ventured to subjoin to the text of the Chronicle are merely intended for the necessary illustration of its contents, or for the purpose of occasionally verifying them by reference to other authorities.

Aº 1376 there was a parlyament at London, whiche began about the octaves of St. George, and contynewed 9 weekes, wherein was demaunded for the Kynge a subsydye of the Commons. The knyghts of the shyre (inspyred as it is thought with the holy Ghost) after dylygent delyberation in the matter, refused to answer to suche petytions without the counsell of the nobles, & for that cause they requyred that certayn byshops, videlicet, of Norwych, Rochester, London, & Carleyll, myght covnsell them wherby with greater delyberation they myght make answere to the kyngs request. The byshops admytted to the recounsell, & hearing the allegations & petytions which the intended to propovnde, foreseinge how the matter was hard, and without great counsell not well to be brought to good effect, for that it requyred a strong hand, made answere, that by all meanes they should labour that 4 lordes which should entyerly love the kyngdome and his majesties dygnytye, should be sent for, with whose favors they myght be backed & defended if any sought to wronge them, and by them to be more incoraged stoutly to prosecute any matter that should be brought to passe for the safetye of the kyngdome, his majesties body and soule, yea, althoughe the Kynge should take the same in evill parte. The knyghtes consentynge with the byshops made request for 4 lordes without whose consent they neyther wold nor cold make anye answere in so wayghtye a matter. Then at there own election the were 4 sent vnto them, namely, the L. Henry Percye, the L. Rycharde de Stafforde, the L. Guy de Bryan, and the L. de Beuchampe,^d who all sware with them, and perceyvynge there good purpose not without God's provydence consented with them, yet not without 4 erles faythfull to the land, ryche, & of poure were joyned with them, which graunted, they chose the Lord Edmond Mortymer Erle of Marche, Thomas Beuchamp Erle of Warwyke, Wm Vfford Erle of Suffolke, Rafe Stafford Erle of Stafforde, these beinge chosen it was easye to exact an othe of them, synce they ment nethynge but the kynges honor & the quyett of the lande.

Note d. It appears by the Rolls of Parliament that the Bishop of St. David's and Sir Henry Scroop, were appointed for the purposes named in the text, instead of the Bishop of Rochester and the Lord Beauchamp. The remaining ten are correctly stated above. Rot. Parl. 2. p. 322.

In this space God moved the spyryte of a knyght of there companye called Peter de la Mare, pouryng into hym wysdome, and boldnes to the conceyt of his mynd, and with all such constancy that he neither feared the threats of his enemyes nor the subteltyes of such as envyed his preferment, &c. Peter trustyng in God, and standynge together with his fellows before the nobles wherof the chefe was John Duke of Lancaster, whose doinges were euer contrary, for, as it is thought, he wanted the grace of God, &c. Ma.. he began thus: MpZBpB67Lordes and nobles, by whose faythe & dylygence the realme is gouverned, it is well known to your wysdomes, how with lyke vexations the commons have bene often oppressed, now payinge fiftenes, otherwhyls nynths and tenthes, to the kynges use, which they wold take in good parte, if the kynge or his realme toke any comodytye, therebye, nor wold they greve at it if it had bene bestowed in the kynges warrs, although scarcely prosper..^f, but it is evydent nether the kyng nor realme to have any pr..^g therebye. And because it can not be known how such great expences should aryse, the comynallty requyre an account of such as receyved the same to the kynges use, nether is it credible that the Kynge should want suche an infynyte treasure if they were faythfull that served hym.

When he had thus sayd, they havynge not wherewith to answere, the judges held there peace.^h

Note f. Prosperous?

Note g. sc. Profit.

Note h. Here ends the introductory portion transcribed from the Harl. MS. 247. At the end of it, the words "Of the Duke of Lancaster, his words and his conditions," which are repeated at the commencement of the Harl. MS. 6217, appear in Stow's hand writing, evidently for the purpose of connecting the two MSS.

[1376] Of the Duke of Lancaster (age 35) his wordes & his condicions.

The nighte followynge, the Duke consulted wyth his private men how he might putt of that that redounded to his infamye & many fest dyshonor. After dyvers mens opynions dyversly tolde, he, lykyng of none of ther wayes, is reported to have sayde: What sayeth he, doo theis base & unnoble knightes attempt? Do they thynke they be the kynges or princes of this lande? Or els, whence is thys hautynes and pride? I thynke they know not what power I am of. I will therfore erely in the morenynge appear unto them so glorious, & will shew suche power amonge them, & wyth such vigoure I will terryfie them, that neither they nor theire like shall dare henceforth to provoke me to wrathe. Boastyng in this sorte, and vaynely assurynge himself, one of his gentellmen is sayed to have geven him this answer. My Lorde, saieth he, it is not unknown to your honor what helpes thes knyghtes, not of the common sorte, as you affirme, but mightie in armes & valiant, have to undershore them; for they have the favour & love of the lordes, & specially of the Lorde Edward Prince, your brother, who gyveth them his counsayle and aide effectuallye.

The Londoners allso, all & everychone, and common peopell be so well affected towards them that they will not suffer them to be overlayde wyth reprochefull language or to be molested with the least injurye in the world. Yea, & the knyghtes themselves abused in any reprochefull maner shal be enforced to attempt all extremitie against your person & your frendes, which, happly, otherwyse they wolde never dooe. Wyth this admonition the duke's guyltie conscience was very much troubled. He was afrayde in deede that it wolde so come to passe, as the gentellman had sayde unto hyme, and that so his honor should ever mor be disteyned. Whereas, he knew that if mencyon were openly made of his wicked actes, he could not satisfye the peopell by any purgation, nor for trouble of mynde and guyltines of conscience durst, though he were willynge thereto, wage battayle agaynst hys envyers. Being couragless, and with synne and uncleannes divers wayes made foule and evel favored for leavyng his lawful wedlock bedd, being an infamous leacher and adulterer, deceved as well hys fyrst wyfe, the daughter of the most noble Lord Henry, the first Duke of Lancaster, as the daughter of Peter Kynge of Spayne, and this did he, not only secretly and in hugger mugger, but even in their bedds wolde he laye his lewde harlotts, to the great sorrowe of hys wyfes not daryng to gaynesay hit. O infortunate duke & myserable, O that destroyest them with thy treason and lack of sense and reason, whom thow guydest to battayle, and whom in peace thow shouldst guyde through examples of goodworkes, thow leadest them through buy wayes and bryngest them to destruction, for thow whereas ether God, or, that I may so saye, Nature, the mother of all thynges, hath geven thee a soule and dyscrecion, than the which no thyng is more excellent, so dost abject & abase thyself, that a man may thynke you to dyffer no thynge from a brute beast. Behold, O most myserable man, which thynkest thy self to floury she which accountest thy self happye, in what sorte thy owne myseries do overbeare thee, thy lustes do torment thee; to whom that which thow hast is not sufficient, & yet fearest lest it will not long contynue thyne.^a

Note a. This passage, in which allusion is made to John of Gaunt's amour with Katherine Swynford (age 25), whom he afterwards married, may be noticed as furnishing a strong proof that the original Chronicle was written during that prince's lifetime. [Further proof is given by the words 'hys wyfes' referring to Constance of Castile who John of Gaunt married in 1371; she died in 1394.]

Be it known also to our Soverayne Lord the Kynge, that if he will be governed and guided by his faithful commons, we will bring to pass that the kynges owne shall serve hym abundantlye, although he stretche not hys handes at all to the goodes of hys commons. Item, they deposed by the mouth of the same Syr Peter agaynst the Lord Latymer, that he had solde the castell of Saint Saviours, as it is evident by the accusatyon of Thomas Kateryngtone, keper of the same place. Item, that he hindered the succoryng of Becherel, because when the Englesh navye were furnyshed wyth a sufficient armed power to serve & to succor the besieged, and for that purpose had receved of the kynge our Soverayne Lorde money for their wages, the sayed Lord Latymer hyndered the same viage, and so as well the kynges toune as monye was loste. Item, when shyppes were taken by the ryght of warre, whos goodes ought to be converted to the use of the kynge & realme and theirs which took them, he suffered them to departe, recevynge of them wyne and monye; which thynge hym self cannot denye. Item, when Robert Knolles fell into the kynges dyspleasure by occasyon of the yll luck he had in the battayles he fought in France (which ought not to be layed to hym, but to the dysobedience and disordered pride of hys souldiers), the same Robert, for purchasynge of the kynges favor agayne, payed a fine of 10 thousand markes to the kynge by the handes of the same Lord Latymer, of which 10 thousand markes it [is] well knowen the kynge had but i thousand only, as the treasurer is redy to affirm, and so yt is evident that he deceved the kynge of viii thousand markes. Item, when the citizens of Brystow for save garde of their liberties, which welnere they had loste, offered the kynge our Soverayne Lorde, by the hands of the Lord Latymer 10 thousand markes, our Soverayne Lord the kynge receved no more but ii thousand, viii thousand being converted fraudulently to the use of the sayed Lord Latymer. Item, when our Soverayne Lord the kynge dyd not want monye, he and Rycharde Lyones feyned that they had borrowed of the merchants to the kynge's use 20 thousand markes, wherfor the kynge ought to paye the merchants for the interest 20 thousand poundes as they affirmed, which monye it is well knowen they borrowed not for hym of any merchants, but tooke it of theire owne.

Rychard Lyones sendeth presents to the Prince for his favor.

In the meane while Richard Lyones hearyng of these accusatyons, fearynge his owne skynne, sent to Prince Edward a thousand pounde, wyth other gyftes, (for he thought he shulde not delyver himself from perill of death but by the mediatyon of the prince while he lyved), and in deede, if the sayed prince had lyved, he had had sentence of death gyven against hym as he deserved. The prince weighinge in the balance of justice his lewd actes, refused to accept of the gold that was sent hym, sendyng backe all that the sayed Rycharde had presented hym wyth, and byddynge hym to reape the fruites of hys wages, and drynke as he had brued.^m

Note m. This anecdote of a proffered bribe to the Black Prince, and its rejection, is only to be found, I believe, in the present Chronicle, and in the fragment (Harl. MS. 247, p. 169,) mentioned in a note to the preceding Letter, where it is stated, that Lyons "by water sent unto the said prince a barill of gould, as if it had been a barill of sturgeon, to purchase his good favour, but when the present was tendered, the prince did utterly refuse it, answering in this manner, that which is in the barill is resty and no whit profitable, for it was neither well nor truly gotten, and therefore he would receive no such present, neither support the said Richard to favour him in his evill doynges." The fact, however, that Lyons owed his escape from punishment to a dextrous and well-timed application of money, is noticed shortly and quaintly by the Continuator of Murimuth (p. 134), who, speaking of Lyons and his fellow delinquent Adam Bury, says "Primus verò, mediante pecuniâ, ab hujusmodi clade valde sagaciter, immo prudenter evasit." ["But the first one escaped from such a disaster very shrewdly, indeed, wisely, by means of money."] Walsingham has used nearly the same words, p. 186, edit. Parker, 1574. 2 G VOL. XXII.

The Earle's servants therfor fearynge the furye of the people released the sayed squire to whom the Duke & Judges appoynted a certeyne day when he sholde pleade his cause before them, but the Londoners hearynge that for that tyme his examination was dyfferred, mayde such a stampyng & noyse that the Duke and all hys compagnons [parteners]^o were troubled therewith, and desirous to represse suche tumult asked [demanded] what they wolde have. To whom the Londoners answered that they feared greatly least he whose examination was dyffered sholde in the meane tyme secretly be slayne, for but lately one other was slayne in pryson least by hys answeares other mens faultes had been detected. These wordes being harde, allmost all that were present of divers shyres of the realme as well the nobilitye as the Vulgar sorte desyred to know whereunto these wordes tended, to whom by the wiser and better sorte of the commonaltyeyt was answeared. Att the same tyme that our kynge & the kynge of Navarr^p had a most secret cosultation in thys realme for certayne covenaunts to be agreed uppon between them, there was but onely thre persons att the sayed councell, that is to say, oure kynge, the kynge of Navarr, and the Lord Latymer, whoe all gave there othes not to detect the forsayed councell. Yt chaunced afterwards the kynge of Navarr to talk with the kynge of France, of whom he was shamefully rebuked for the covenaunts mayde with our kynge.

Note o. In this and other instances where a word is placed in brackets, it has been found written above the similar word in the original MS. as a correction (it is presumed) by the translator.

Note p. The King of Navarre here mentioned was Charles the Bad, whose death in 1387 is related by the French Historians to have been occasioned by the carelessness of his valet de chambre, in setting fire to a cloth garment steeped in brandy, in which the King had been wrapped by order of his Physicians, for the purpose of restoring warmth to his enervated frame. Art de vérifier les dates, i. P. 757.

The man, thus troubled and ashamed, sayed, Good Lorde, what have I doone, that the people ys so moved agaynst me? what offence have I commytted? Trulye I am not guiltye ether of theft or treason, but that I endevored to carry letters to the kynge of France, the tenor whereof I was altogeather ignorant, and yf for thys cause I be woorthye deathe, truly they have more deserved deathe that wryte the letters & forced me to be there carrier. When the Londoners desyred to heare more of thys matter, he was compelled by the officers hastelye to enter into the pryson, and the sayme day he was found dead, and, as ys supposed, strangled by them. Wherfor the people here desyreth that thys squyre may be commytted to saiffe keapynge, leaste before that he be called to hys answeare before you, he be likwyse strangled & slayne. With thys oration therfor the squyre was commytted to saife custodye, and the fame of the Lorde Latimer was many wayes woorthely blotted therby; for truly he was geven to adulterye, covetousnes, and robbery; for leavynge hys noble wife, he was accustomed to lye all nyghte with the hoores of London within the stewes, puttynge his portion there with adulterers, and prodigallye consumynge that whych by covetousnes he had wrested from hys poor tenants. Covetousnes, therfor, caused hym to withdraw hys faith and honestye that he owed unto the kynge and kyngdome, and to subvert all good artes, for these he taught pryde and crueltye, and how to maike all thynges sayliable, whoe although he was borne of a noble parentage, yet he had an evil and shrewed wytt, that shamefully corrupted hys nature. In warres he was nothynge worthe, for his bodye was impatient of hunger, and of greate chillishnes upon earthe, and he never durst, nether yet colde, keape watch among hys enemyes, when, notwithstandynge, in peace he wolde often spend his whoole nyghtes without sleepe amongst strumpetts. He was of a lyinge and deceitful mynde, and very variable, and a dissembler in every thynge. Covetynge other men's goodes, shuttynge upp his owne with untreatable lockes, except for such thynges as he spent in buildynge, and upon other infidels^q in defendynge his evil deedes. He had eloquence enough, but little wisdome; but these may now suffyce, and thys we have wryten, that the posteritye may knowe what councellors the kynge used, whoe although he were of a gentle nature, godly and mercyful, he hys whooly, notwithstandynge, geven to folow the councell of such as be continually about hym. And truly whoesoever, although voyd of cryme, entereth in friendship with naughtye persons, by dayly use & entycement, he ys mayde like unto them. But omyttynge these thynges, we will convert our style unto the matter from whence we have dygressed.

Note q. Sic in orig.

Sir Rycharde Sturi^r known for a lyer, is seperated from the Kynge.

At the saymetime there was a certayne knyght familier with the kynge, named Rycharde Stiri, whose wyde jawes were alwayes harde; for that faythe and good conscience was as colde in him as droppes of ise, whoe for that he taiken with a lye was for a tyme caste out of the courte & kynges presence, for he was mayde the kynges referendarye that he sholde relate the kynges pleasure unto the knyghtes, and there requests unto the kynge agayne, but (as yt ys beleaved) being corrupted with money, he depraved the words & deedes of the knyghtes so much as he colde, tellynge the kynge they endevored to depose hym, and to doo with hym as in tymes paste they had doone with hys father, & therefor he sholde withstande them in the beggynnynge, before the were holpen and strengthed by the common people, and were able to brynge there purpose to ende. Wyth thys speache, the godly kynge somewhat moved, he favored not the knyghtes now as he dyd heretofore, but began greatly to taike heede unto hymselfe, doubtynge of there fayth and mutability of the vulgar people, but at the laste by dylygent search, the trueth, as we have sayed, beynge scarce knowne, he sequestered Syr Rycharde from hys councell as a lyer and sower of discorde; but the duke litle astemynge such a defect, quicklye after persuaded the kynge to take Syr Rycharde agayne to his favour as he was before, which was done.

Note r. Notwithstanding the character which is given of Sir Richard Stury in the text, and the opinion which, in a subsequent chapter, appears to have been entertained of him by Prince Edward, he was, afterwards employed by Richard the Second on various important occasions, and was even appointed one of the executors of the princess's will. According to Knighton 2661, the promotores strenuissimi et propugnatores fortissimi [the most energetic promoters and the bravest defenders] of the Lollard faith reckoned him among their leaders, which may sufficiently account for the acrimonious language applied to him by the writer of the above Chronicle.

What the Duke dyd after the Prince's death.

[After 8th June 1376] Prynce Edwarde beynge deade as we have sayed while the Parlement yett endured, the desperate knyghtes of the countyes began to be hautye & proud, & in the meane tyme the Duke with hys malefactours comynge in amongst the knyghtes with an oration earnestly desyred them, that yett whyle the Parlement endured wherein the matters of the realme were handled, the knyghtes, associated with the Lordes & Barons, wolde delyberate whoe after the deathe of the king & the prynce's sonne oughte to inherite the realme of Englande; furthermore he requested that after the example of France they wolde maike a law that no woman sholde be heire of the kyngdome, for he consydered the old age of the kynge, whom deathe expected in the gates, & the youthe of the prynce's sonne whom, (as yt was sayed) he purposed to poyson yf he colde no otherwayse come by the kyngedome; for if these tow were taiken away & such a law established in the generall parlement he was to be the next heire of the realme; for there was no heire maile in the realme nearer than he; but then yt was in every man's mouth, that Edmunde Mortimer (age 24) Earle of March had maryed the Lorde Lovelle^x hys brother's daughter [Philippa Plantagenet Countess March 2nd Countess Ulster (age 20)], whoe was elder than he, to whom by righte of hys wyfe the inheritance of this realme perteined; yf the only sonne of the prynce sholde depart without an heire, whom the Duke greatly feared, knowynge hym to be a good & juste man, & therfor he laboured all that he colde, that the inheritance of this realme sholde not come to hym. Havynge begune therfor [to] consulte together, yt was answeared hym to be neadles to labour about such thynges, seying that they had other greate & weightier matters in there handes, that had neade to be largely handeled, & especially (sayed they) for that the kynge ys yett sounde & in healthe, & for hys age may lyve longer than any of us, but be yt granted the kynge sholde depart yet we want not an heire; the prynce's sonne (now ten years olde) lyves and is now lyvyng there ys no neade to labour about such matters. With these wordes the Duke confounded herewith departed.

Note x. Lionel of Antwerp 1st Duke of Clarence.

Therfor Syr Richarde was checked by the Duke, but not corrected, for that, for a show only, there musike was taiken away from them, there conventicles & wanton banketts being dyscontinued, & the knyghtes in the mean tyme, least they sholde be thought to have doone nothynge, exhibited a byll against Adam Bury, Cytizen of London,^y for that he had not doone true servyce to the kynge in examynynge the weighte of the golde that was payed for the rannsome of the kyng of Fraunce. The sayed Adam, presently after he harde suche thyngs to be put upp agaynst hym, knoweynge hymselffe to be guyltie, attempted to flee, he fled away therfor as a wicked man, none pursueyng hym, into Flaunders there to make hys abode untill a better tyme dyd serve hym, for he knew the cloudes of the kyng's wrathe colde not be dryven away without goulde, & therfor he attempted to oppose the brightenes of golde to suche clowdes, & he afterwards perceaved that to be true that Jupiter rejoseth in gyftes geven hym. The knyghtes also consyderynge the exceedynge faultes of the citezens of Gerven,^z & the dyscomodityes they had broughte to the realme, they exhibited a byll agaynst them that to the common detriment of the whoole people they had obtained a charter of the kynge that no straunger sholde sell hearings in there Towne, but yf any after the accustomed manner brought hearings thyther, the sellynge & pryce of them he sholde commytt to the townesmen, & the towne dwellers themselves sholde maike the pryce accordynge to there own will; whereby it came to passe that many marchaunt straungers withdrew themselves from thys Lande, & went to sell there marchaundise in other countryes, & the Gerneinans themselves can wittnesse that they caused suche a darthe the last Lente, that tow herryngs were solde for a penye; wherfor it was requested by the knyghtes in behalfe of the commonaltye, that suche a charter myghte be taiken away that was hurtfull to them present. The Duke denyinge to graunte there request, yett at the laste overcome with reason & shame, leaste he sholde be thoughte to have done no justice, he caused that absurde charter to be taiken away.^a

Note y. For this proceeding against Adam de Bury, and his subsequent pardon, see the Rolls of Parliament, vol. ii. pp. 330 and 374.

Note z. Gernemuta in margin, i. e. Yarmouth, in Norfolk.

Note a. See the Rolls of Parliament, ii. p. 330. The "absurde" charter, as it is here called, and against which the inhabitants of Lowestoft had petitioned, was granted in the 46th year of Edward III. for uniting Kirkeley Road with the Port of Yarmouth. Though revoked, as mentioned in the text, it was restored in the following reign, and became a fruitful source of contest till the time of Charles the Second. A very full and detailed history of these proceedings will be found in Gillingwater's History of Lowestoft, to which it may be now added that a new harbour is about to be formed, by means of an artificial cut between Kirkeley Road and Lake Lothing, for the purpose of effecting a navigation for seaborne vessels from Lowestoft to Norwich.

[1376] There was at the sayme tyme in Englande a shameless woman & wanton harlott, called Ales Peres (age 28), of a base kynred, for she was a weavers daughter of the towne of Hunneye;^b but helped by fortune (beynge nether bewtifull nor fayre), she knew how to cover these defects with her flatterynge tonge whom fortune had so exalted, of a poore servant & harlott of a certayne foole that used with hys hands to carrye water from the conduet to mens howses for necessary uses, that she had promoted her to the familiaritye of the kynge more then was convenyent, & the queene yet lyvynge, sholde prefer her in the kynges love before the said queene. This woman, after she was in the kyng's friendshipp, she so bewitched hym, that he permytted the warres & greatest matters of the realme to be defyned by her councell, whoe began to putt all thyngs unjustly from the kynge, to defende false causes every where by unlawfull meanes, to gett possessions for her owne use, and yf in any place she was resysted, then she wente unto the kynge, by whose power beyng presently helped, whether yt were ryght or wronge, she had her desyre. Thys woman had Englande suffered now many yeares, for that they hartely loved the kynge & were lothe to offende hym, for there ys a special grace in them, that they love there kynge more than any other nation, & whom once they have admytted to the kyngly state the alwaies honour, althoughe he greatly offende. Therfor, althoughe because they dyd know the sayed harlott to be loved of the Kynge more than ryght honesty required, yett they sufferred her, (as we have sayed) untell the kynge's fame then was almost loste in all countryes, & untill she had unjustly [wrongfully] disinherited certen Englishemen, & had almost disteined the whoole realme with her shameless wantones. For her dyshonest malapertnes increased so much, and the patience and humilitye of the Englishmen so abounded, that she was not ashamed to sytt in seate of judgment at Westmynster, and there, ether for her selffe, or her frendes, or for the Kynge, as his promotryxe, was not afeard to speake in causes, & presently to aske of the judges dyffynytyve sentences in her maters, whoe fearynge the Kynge's dyspleasure, or rather more truly fearynge the Harlott, durste not oftentymes judge otherwyse than she had defyned.

Note b. "Hunneyie bysyds Excester, as some supose," in margin.

[1376] At the sayme tyme, by diligent searche of the knyghtes, she was found to be greatly in love with Syr William Wyndsoore (age 51), whoe then remained in Irland, wherfor the sayed knyghtes endevored to dryve her into Irlande, yf fortune would permytt them, least wyth her hoorishe speane she abused any longer the kynges symplycytye; but fyrst they went about to gyve the kynge knowledge how they had proved her to be another man's spouse, and how he had lyved a longe tyme in adulterye, whiche thyngs being harde, & yet he signified to the parlement, that he wolde not in any wise that for her offences she sholde be put to deathe, but that they sholde deale more gently with her for the kynge's love & honoure.^c

Note c. The low origin of Alice Perrers, asserted in the text, is disbelieved by Bishop Lowth, on account of her having been maid of honour to Queen Philippa. Barnes, relying on the king's unblemished reputation, is the chivalrous defender of Alice's chastity. Hist. Edw. III. p. 872. Carte boldly pronounces her to have been "a lady of sense and merit," who, having been of the bedchamber to the late Queen, and a great favourite with her, was, "for that reason, and on account of her agreeable conversation, and many other good qualities, in no little favour with the king." He adds, "there doth not appear the least reason to surmise that there was any amour between them, and she was actually married to an honourable person, William de Windsor, late Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; yet being often with the king she had opportunities of doing offices for many persons, which gave others occasion to repine, and complain of her influence." Hist. Eng. ii. p. 534. Lowth, however, remarks, that Carte mistook the period of her marriage, which did not take place till after Edward's death. But in a petition to Parliament in the second year of Richard the Second, from Sir William Wyndesore and Alice (age 28), then his wife, to reverse the proceedings against her in the preceding year, it is asserted that she had been improperly called upon to answer as a feme sole, being then, and for a long time before, the wife of Wyndesore. Rot. Parl. iii. p. 41. And it may be worthy of remark, that Wyndesore's second commission to govern Ireland appears in the same page of Rymer's Fœdera 3.989 with a grant from King Edward of certain jewels, goods, and chattels, formerly belonging to the late queen, to Alice Perrers, "nuper uni Domicellarum cameræ Consortis nostræ Philippæ." ["recently to one of the ladies of the chamber of our consort Philippa."]

Furthermore yt was reported, the sayed freir to have maid certain pictures, that ys to wytt of the kynge & Ales by whiche with the powre & force of herbes, and hys conjurations in places, he mayde that Ales colde obteyne of the kynge what she wolde, as that famous magician Vertabanus of the kynge of Egypte, he mayde also, as they say Moyses dyd in tymes paste, rynges of memorie & forgettfulnes, & so the freir imagined, that so long as the kynge sholde use them, he sholde never want the remembrance of the forsayed harlott. The duke therfor commanded that the freir sholde be brought furthe yf he colde be founde in any place; & so tow knyghtes, that ys to say, Syr John de la Mare & Syr John Brentwood, in disguysed appairell, went unto the place where the freir remained at a maner of the sayed Ales, called Palang Wyke, feynynge themselves to have come thyther to seeke helpe, & askyng for hym that colde cure infirmities [diseases]; the freir standynge in hys high chamber, & seynge them cary urinals in their hands, supposynge he sholde gayne a greate sum of money, presently confessed hymselffe to be the man whom they sought. They straightwaies promysed to satysfye hym, yf he wold come downe & provyde some remedye for them; whoe, stricken with the plague of covetousnes, presently came down, & was taiken by them; & when without remedye he lamented hys taikynge, a certayne mayd sayed unto hym, What ys the matter, father, that you so lament? what have you now cause to feare? could you not fore see these thyngs, that were accustomed to tell unto others thyngs to come? to whom he answeared, I dyd foresee truly these thynges, but when they sholde chaunce I was ignorant, for I tolde of a parlement to come, wherein both I & my mystres sholde suffer many adversatyes. He was brought to the presence of the duke & noblemen, where he vaynely, with ambiguous answeares, spent the day. At the laste the Archbishopp of Canterburye, whoe was the protectoure of the freir preachers, scarcely obtained of the duke & noblemen that he myghte be commytted to the freries of hys order, manye exclaimynge out & appoyntynge that he sholde be burned with fyre, & so by mediation of the Archbishopp, hys brothers receaved hym to keape in close pryson.^d Ales Peres, whoe alwayes before had prefered wantonnes to servitude, hearynge of the apprehension of her freir, began vehemently to feare, & her colour failed.

Note d. The archbishop who exercised this moderation was Simon Sudbury, afterwards assassinated by the rebels on Tower-hill, in 1381. His tolerant principles are a frequent subject of reproach in the monkish Chronicles of this period.

The covetousnes of some Englishe men moved them to doo this, to whom the kynge gave very little for the dyspatchynge of businesse in this realme, and folowynge therfor after gyftes & rewards, they shunned not covetousnes, & so with them all thynges was sett to saile, that ys to say, faith and justice, whiche they ought unto the kynge and people. Wherfor a great murmuryng was raised amongst the people, for he that wanted money they mayd hym also to want justice, & whoe so offered nothynge to them, he returned voyde of his desyre to hys countrey agayne, For thys cause therfor the knyghtes demanded the twelve peeres. duke likynge of there petition, judged it to be graunted, commandynge them that the sayme twelve peeres sholde be chosen of the comonaltye. They were chosen therfor, & yt was ordeyned in the parlement, that yf any of the sayd twelve peeres sholde be founde to have taiken brybes [rewards], or to have doone scarce faithfull service unto the kynge or realme, he sholde from thence forthe be removed from administration of that offyce, & be taiken for infamous ever after, & pay unto the kynge fyve tymes more then that which he receaved, & hys body should be subject to the kynge's pleasure, and that these thynges myght perpetually be in force, there were sent of the knyghtes of the Parlement to the kynge to desyre hys assent & confirmation of all the statutes in the foresayed parlement, & that the sayme parlement myght be confirmed, and have the name of a parlement, as the manner was. All which thynges the kynge ratified & confirmed, promysynge they sholde be gratefull unto hym, & thys ys the ende of the foresayed parlement.^e

Note e. The names of these "continual councillors," as they were called, though their services proved to be of short duration, are not recorded in the Rolls of Parliament; but Lowth, on the authority of the Harleian MS. No. 247, p. 143, states them to have been the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London and Winchester, the Earls of Arundel, March, and Stafford, and the Lords Percy, Brian, and Beauchamp. To this list, which appears to be imperfect in its numbers, it has been supposed that the Chancellor, Treasurer, and Keeper of the Privy Seal for the time being were added, in order to complete the number of twelve. Godwin's Life of Chaucer, vol. ii. p. 235. It should be observed, however, that this number was not definitely fixed by the Parliament, who required that ten or twelve should be appointed, according to the king's pleasure, out of whom six or four should be continually resident. Rot. Parl. ii. p. 322. In the MS. fragment before noticed (Harl. 247, p. 169), it is said that, "the Duke of Lancaster was not well satysfied, but was sore grieved and vexed because himselfe was not chosen to be of the kinge's counsayle."

The Duke reconcileth unto the Kynge those that were condemned in the parlement, not callynge a parlement to consent thereunto.

The Duke of Lancaster about the sayme tyme as I have sayed, abusynge the kynge's symplycytye, delt with him that he wolde taike the Lorde Latymer who was judged infamous by acte of Parlement, into hys former favoure & grace agayne, & that he wolde not only pardon hym for all the offences he had commytted agaynst hys majestye, but also forgive hym all the debtes which he was bounde to pay unto the kynge. Yt was credeblye beleaved that the duke had an infinyte sume of money of the Lorde Latymer to taike this matter in hande, for the kynge, who had now for hys great age lefte of the charge of the realme, & had geaven all thyngs into the Duke's handes, permytted all thyngs to be doone as he wolde. The Lorde Latymer by thys meanes havyng gotten the kynge's favoure in shorte tyme, thro the inconstancye of the kynge's wytt, was more dearer, & in greater favoure with the kynge then ever he was before he incurred hys dyspleasure, for the kynge mayde hym amongst others one of hys executors,^f & agaynst the decree of the Parlement called hym to hys councell; and the duke before he had gotten agayne the Lord Latymer to be one of the councell, was encouraged by him, for that he abounded in ritches, & also for that he saw none in the realme that durst withstande hys will, & so he began to be stoute ä to lifte upp hys hotiness & removed the Lordes from the kynge, that by decree of the former Parlement were assigned to the kynge's councell to determyne all matters, commandynge them to depart hoome to there houses, for that the kynge had no more nead of their councell. After thys, that he myght somewhat colour hys dooings, he affirmed the laste parlement ought not to be called a parlement, nor in very deede was a parlement, & therfor the statutes there mayde ought not to be kepte, & so that which was ratified & confirmed, was mayed frustrate for one man's pleasure; & the generall hope & comodytye of the commonaltye came to hym alone. Wherfor to hys greate griefe & anguish of mynde he had infynyte curses of the common people.

Note f. The king's will, in which Latymer was appointed an executor, is dated the 7th October 1376, a few months after his impeachment and disgrace. Perhaps a stronger proof of the Duke of Lancaster's ascendancy cannot be adduced, that the confirmation which he appears to have obtained from the king of the manors of Gryngeley and Wheteley to Katherine Swynford, the duke's mistress, his second wife, Constance of Castile, being then living. This instrument, dated 4th March 1377, is in Rymer 3.1074.

How Ales Peres (age 29) returned to the Kynge, of the lenitye of the Bishopp, and imprysonment of Peter de la Mare.

[1377] The kynge now whoe had bene longe oppressed with the discomodityes of ould age,^g callynge the statutes of the laste parlement unto hym selffe for the which beynge evill affected he fell sicke, & as ys supposed not of any natural disease that cometh unto oulde men, but of an accidental sickness as ys sayed that afflicteth younge men, that ys of an inordinate luste of the fleshe; but that disease ys much more difficult to be cured in olde men than in younge for sundrye causes in olde men, that ys to say, for the coldnes in oulde men & naturall heate in younge men, wherfor the kynge for that now he was consumed. Wherfor the kynge, for that naturall moysture was now almost consumed in hym, & inwarde heate greatly weakened, hys strength & force began more & more to fail, & truly yt was affirmed by many, that he fell into thys sickness for the desyre of that harlott Ales Perres, because she was seperated from hym, which afterwards was playnly founde to be true, for that he called agayne the sayed Ales to hys oulde frendshipp agaynst the foresayed statute & othe that she made in the parlement. Whereuppon great murmuryng was amongst the people as the kynge hymselffe colde witnes, & the curse of the whoole comonaltye was wyshed to Ales when they proved no remedye to be founde agaynst her wickednes, but beheld her wicked actes to be exalted more than was accustomed above the ceder trees of Libanus, whose fall the common people of the realme so greatly desyred. The archbishopp & hys suffragans, whoe ought to have geven sentence agaynste her if she chaunced to doo any thynge agaynst the decree of the parlement, were mayed like dume dogs not able to barke, for truly to speake the very trueth they were not pastoures, but devourers & hirelyngs, & therfor for fear of the wulf forsaikers of the sheepe; I do not speake of all, for perchance God hath left some unto hymselffe that have not bowed there knee before Baal whos vertue peradventure in due tyme shall be declared, but I speake of those whoe when they had taiken the sworde of Peter to cutt off such diseases, they had rather feel the wounds of a syner than prycke them; & so throughe neglygence of the prelates, the oulde scarrs of woundes do waxe greene agayne in the wandrynge sheepe, & the foresayed Ales returneth to her vanitye, & she ys mayd so familier with the kynge with her companions, that yt ys to say the Lorde Latymer & Syr Rychard Stiry, that att there beck the kynge permytted all matters of the realme to be disposed, & commytted also to the government of hym selffe; but they desyrous to be quyte with like revenge upon there accusers, ceased not untill by the kynges & dukes authoritye they had goten Syr Peter de Lamare to the kynges court, whom without any answeare, agaynst all justice, they sent to the castle of Newercke [Map],^h there to be comytted to pryson, & there were that sayed that the duke gave commandment to behead hym in the nexte wood,& so he shold have been, had not Syr Henry Percye persuaded the duke to the contrary.

Note g. Concerning the "old age" of the king, so repeatedly noticed in the text, it should be observed that he had at this time scarcely completed his sixty-fourth year-a period of life which would not at the present day call forth such an epithet. It may be further remarked that, on reference to Dugdale's Baronage, it will appear that, in the middle ages, the deaths of a great proportion of the English nobility, even when occasioned by natural causes (for war and pestilence had their full share), occurred under the age of forty, and that their eldest sons, though commonly the offspring of very early marriages, very frequently became wards of the Crown, by reason of their minority.

Note h. Walsingham and the Continuator of Murimuth relate, that Sir Peter de la Mare was imprisoned in Nottingham castle, and they are followed in this statement by Holinshed, Speed, and most of our later historians. But Stow, upon the authority (as it would appear) of the present Chronicle, fixes the imprisonment at Newark [Map]. Mr. Godwin supposes that he was first conveyed to Newark, and afterwards to Nottingham. Life of Chaucer, vol. ii. p. 243.

The Duke indamageth the Byshopp of Winchester.

While all matters about the kynge were in thys sorte as we have wrytten, the duke laboured agaynst William Wikam the Bishopp of Winchester, sekynge a knott in a rushe, & taikynge occasion by all ways & meanes he possibly colde to indamage hym at least. Amongst other thynges that he objected agaynst hym, he charged hym to have bene false unto the kynge att what tyme he was Lord Chauncellor, & althoughe the byshoppe in declaration of hys innocencye was ready to bryng furth for hymselffe both suffycyent reesons & wytnesses, yett notwithstandynge he caused hym to be condemned without makynge answeare. William Skipibitⁱ beynge justyce & by the kynges authorytye, toke from hym all the temporall goods of hys byshoppricke, & that he might gett the peoples favoure he moved the kynge to give the sayed goodes to the prynce hys sonne, Lorde Rychard of Burdeaux & Chester, who lately had attempted by the kynges gyfte to gett the dominion of hy's fathers, & so he used the young prynces name for hys owne helpe. Further more he forbadd the byshopp in the kynges name not to presume to come within twentye myles of the kynges presence.

Note i. William Skipwith. See Stow's Annales, p. 271, edit. 1631. He was Chief Baron of the Exchequer. I transcribe the following passage from Stow, in order to shew (as I have stated in the introductory Letter) how closely he followed the above translation. In his margin are the words, "The duke indomageth the Bishop of Winchester;" and in his text he says, "The duke now labored against Wil. Wicham, Bi. of Winchester, taking occasion by all waies and meanes he possibly could to indomage him. At the last, among thinges that hee objected against him, hee charged him to have been false unto the king, at what time he was lord chancellor, and although the bishop, in declaring of his innocence, was ready to bring forth for himselfe both sufficient reasons and witnesses, yet notwithstanding hee caused him to be condemned," &c. Mr. Godwin supposes that Stow, in his minute relations of the transactions of this period, had the authority of some narrative which has not come down to us. But it will be quite evident, on an examination of his history, that he has closely pursued and implicitly relied on the above Chronicle, not amplifying but abridging its details.

How the Earle of Marshe^l shuned the craftye deceite of the Duke of Lancaster.

[1377]In the meane tyme the kynges sickenes increased, & the phisitians began to dispaire of hys recovery, altho' the forenamed harlot [Alice Perrers (age 29)] together wyth Isabell her daughter dyd lye by hym everye nyght. The duke now whoe determyned all matters of the realme, commanded the Earle of Marshe to goe to the castles of England on the sea costes, affyrmynge it to purteyne to hys offyce to be in the portes beyond the sea, and there to vew the kynges castles, to builde & fortyfye those that were decayed, & to stoore them wyth victuals, & fyrste therfor he commanded hym to goe to Cales, where having set all thynges well in order, he sholde diligently vew all the other castells near there abouts. The earle as he was a man of a good will, considered that yt was a dangerous tyme [& weighed also with hymselffe] that the duke had a great & ould hatred agaynst hym, for the which he supposed this hoony was not drincke unto hym without gaule, besydes he called to remembrance how the duke had unjustly imprysoned Syr Peter de la Mare his steweard, & had oppressed the Byshopp of Wynchester, & desyred to doo the lyke to hym if he colde have any opportunitye for the sayme, fearynge also the daunger that by the duke's anger & meanes myght come unto hym, & what also the great peryls he myght fall into beyonde the seas by fals brethren, he chose rather to loose the rodd then hys lyfe. Wherfor he restored the rodd of hys marshallshipp unto the duke, saynge he wold not for a small commoditye wrapp hymselffe into great daungers. The duke rejosynge that he myght with some honoure rewarde Syr Henrye Percye,^m presently gave unto hym the rodd, maid hym Marshall of England, & by thys meanes yt ys playne that the sayed Syr Henry Percye haith alwayes ioyned fast to the duke & hys councels, wherfor notwithstandynge he haith a long tyme incurred as great hatred of the whoole commonaltieⁿ .... & that whiche he beleived was an inestimable profett & comodyty & sholde be an infynyte glorye unto hym he perceived to be the begynynge of all myscheyfe & evill agaynst hym, & sodenly to brynge hym perpetuall ignomynye, for he lost (as ys sayed) his owne conscyence, & hys good name with the people of the whoole realme.

Note l. This was Edmond Mortimer Earl of March, the husband of Philippa, daughter of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, and the great-great-grandfather of Edward the Fourth.

Note m. Created Earl of Northumberland in the first year of Richard the Second, whom he afterwards conspired with Henry of Bolingbroke to depose; finally, however, taking arms against his patron's son, in favour of the grandson of the Earl of March, to whose office he had been appointed (as stated in the above Chronicle) by Henry's father.

Note n. Some words in the MS. are here illegible. This passage affords a strong additional confirmation of the opinion advanced in the introductory letter, that the writer of the original Chronicle was contemporary with the events which he records.

The Pope sendeth hys Bulls, declarynge the Florentynes, for theire enormeous injuryes done unto the Churche, to be excommunicated.

In these dayes the Pope sent his bulls into England, commandynge the Bishopp of London^p to execute his will, & cause the sayme bulls to be solemnly published in the Cytye of London. The contents of this bull was, how that for greate injuryes done unto hym, & for many outragious faultes by the Florentynes commytted, they, with all that communicate with them, were excommunicated & seperated from the chyldren of the Churche, and amongst other causes of there excomunication, the Pope declared how the sayed Florentynes, in despyte of the holy Church of Rome, had wickedly and cruelly kylled a certeyne Muncke, sent by the Pope into those partes, for when the sayme Muncke wolde there have executed the commandment enioyned hym by the Pope, the Florentynes laynge handes upon hym, did not only kyll hym, but with a most vyle and wicked deathe murthered hym; for puttynge hym in a wagoane they kindled four fyres about the seat of the wagon, that ys to say, at every corner one fyre, & with iron forkes mayd readd hoote in the sayme fyre, they pulled hys fleash that seat naked in the mydst of the fyres from his bones, tearynge hys bodye in foure parts; nor yet content wyth this beastly crueltye, they caryed hym in this sorte through the cytye of Florence, & when they came unto the place where theves & destroyers of the countrye are accustomed to suffer deathe, there they settynge downe the sayed muncke not yet dead, they buried hym hande & foote in the grounde, & so after a sorte they buryed hym quycke in the most execrable maner: for many such like causes, the Pope punyshed them with his sentence of excommunication, & there favourers, of what degree or state so ever they were, to be in like daunger, interdytynge all cytyes & townes where in after the publication of this sentence, they sholde be wittingly & willingly to the injurye of the whoole Churche of Rome, cheryshed. It was moreover added in the bull, that yf the sayed Florentynes wolde become servantes, & suche as we doo call naturall servants [naturalls or bound slaves], with all there goods & cattells, moveable and immoveable, so that they dyd not taike this condition feynedly, or for an houre upon them, then yt sholde be lawful for masters to taike them as bounde slaves, usynge them to all kynde of servyce at there pleasure, & moreover yt sholde be lawful for the Florentynes afterwardes to remayne in those countryes where they had taiken servitude, and where, as bond men, then served there maisters. The Bishopp of London not slouthfully fulfillynge the Pope's commandment enioyned unto hym, solemnly published the Pope's commandment, and publikely declared the Florentynes to be excommunicated. The Florentynes feared with thys terrible sentence, & presently considerynge that the Pope's messenger had with like commandment prevented them almost in all countryes subject to the Churche of Rome, of two evills they chose, as they supposed, the leaste; that ys to say, rather to serve with the forsayed condition the kynge of England, then by any meanes be subject to the will of the Romanes.^q

Note p. The Bishop of London was William Courtney, son of the Earl of Devon, who in 1381 was translated to Canterbury, after the murder of Archbishop Sudbury. He was distintinguished for his zeal in the cause of Rome. Archbishop Parker says of him, "in Wicklyffianos vehementissimus erat." i.e. "he was most vehement against the Wycliffites."

Note q. See Rymer, vol vii. pp. 103 and 135. In the Royal Proclamation issued after the arrival of the Bull, there is a strong determination manifested to shelter and protect these fugitives against the severity of the papal denouncement.

The knyghtes of the parlement, whom the duke hadd maide at hys pleasure, desyred a respyte that they myghte deliberately answeare hym of these thynges, for all the other knyghtes that in the laste parlement had stoutly stande for the comonaltye he had caused to be removed, so that there remayned not of them in thys parlement but only twelve whom he colde not remove, for that the counties where they were would not choose any other. A day was appoynted them, for they were all as I have sayed, subrogated by the duke, wherfor those few of the faythfuller sorte that remayned were unable to resyste such a multitude. Therfor of the greater parte Hungerforde^s was elected to delyver there answeare by worde of mouth, whoe was a knyghte very famileir with the duke, that ys to say, hys stewarde, whoe wolde speake nothynge but that which shold please hys master. Those few whom we have sayed to have remayned, with one assent earnestly endeavoured to wreaste from there folowers, that Sir Peter La Mare myghte delyver there answeare, for that the sayed Syr Peter was prepared to answeare to all objections agaynste hym, in the presence of all the lordes and knyghtes of the parlement; and further, yf he sholde be founde faultye, to submytt hym selffe to the judgement of the judges & noble men there present, but the knyghtes nothynge prevailed in this earneste sute for the duke, for when as one of them urged thys matter more boldly than the rest, he was admonyshed to holde hys peace, otherwise he myghte loose hys lyfe, with whiche news both he & hys other companyons of the last parlement, were so feared, that they preferred the sweetnes of thys lyfe before the bitternes of deathe, & there owne busines before the necessitye of others.

Note s. In the MS. "The Earl of Huntyngdon" appears to have been originally written, and afterwards altered to Hungerforde. It should be Sir Thomas Hungerford who was thus chosen Speaker. Rot. Parl. ii. p. 374. See an account of him in Dugdale's Baronage, vol. iii. p. 203.

The Cleargie instantly requireth the revocation of the Bishopp of Winchester.

While as these thynges were in handlyng, a subsidye was asked for the kynge of the whoole cleargie, & they were commanded not to prolong the parlement with great delayes, leaste they sholde hynder the profytt of the realme. They treatyng therfor of these matters, fyrste they mayde a common complaynt before the Arch Bishopp of Canterbury, as before there common father, of the injurye offered unto there brother & fellow bishopp, William Wicham, Bishopp of Winchester, & how that the injurye was not only unto hym in hys byshopricke, but also unto all them & to the whoole libertye of the churche; wherfor they constantly affyrmed that they wolde not by any meanes effectually treate of those matters, untill all the members of the churche were gathered togeather, for they truly affyrmed thys present busynes to touche hym & them in common togeather, & that whiche touched all, oughte for to be approved by all. They pytyed hys faull & the injuryes offered unto hym, & were moved agaynste the archbishopp so far as they durste, for that he was thoughte to be a greate hyred man for the duke, seynge he permytted the sayed bishopp to be so severely handled by the duke, & that he endeavor'd not only by hymselffe, but also wolde speake wordes agaynst hym. Therfor they persysted more vehemently for hys revocation, & although the archbishopp affirmed the forsayed bishopp to be prohybeted by the kynge that he sholde not by any meanes presume to come neare unto hys presence, & therfor contended to excuse hym selffe (leaste he sholde have bene compelled to send letters from hym) for suche daungers as myghte happen therebye, yet, notwithstanding forced with there obstinacye, & the laudable persuasion of the Bishopp of London, he sent a commandment for hym that he sholde come upp to the convocation of the cleargie of London, whoe makynge no delay came to London with a small nomber of servaunts, whoe before tyme was thoughte to excell all other in multitude of servaunts. He was joyfully receaved of hys felow bishoppes, & as became such a person, greatly honoured.

^{How the Duke sent for John Wiclyffe (age 49) to consult with hym, & how he was maide to come to his answeare.}

[19th February 1377] In the meane tyme the duke ceased not (as yt ys sayed) with his felowes to imagyne how he myghte maike the churche subject, & by what meanes he myght submytt the realme unto hym, whereby he myght the frelier bring that to passe that he had long conceaved in hys mynde, for he saw that yt wolde be harde for hym to obteyne hys purpose, the churche standynge in her full state, & very daungerous to attempt publikely to doo those thynges that he had conceaved in hys mynde, the lawes & customes of London beynge in force; wherfor he labored fyrste to overthrow, as well the libertyes of the churche as of the citye, for the whiche he called unto hym a certain false devine, or as I may better name hym, a fyghter agaynste God, whoe, many yeares before, in all hys acts in the scholes had barked agaynste the churche, for that he was justly depryved by the Archbishopp of Canterburye from a certeyne benefyce that he uniustly was incumbent upon, within the cytye of Oxforde, & many new opynions he invented without any grounde but suche which vaynly occupied the eares of the hearers, & myght invite the simple people (desirous alwayes to heare new thyngs, as there manner ys) to hear hym. Thys felow was called John, but unworthely, for that he had caste away the grace that God had geaven hym, avertynge hym selffe from the trueth, which ys God, & convertynge unto fables. Amongst other thynges whiche he spake, not to be rehersed, he denyed the bishopp to have authorytye to excommunicate any man, & yf yt sholde be graunted that the bishopp colde excommunicate any person, then he affirmed that any prieste myght absolve such a one as well as the pope. He sayed further, that neither the kynge nor the seculer lorde coldegyve any thynge perpetually to any person of his churche. That (as he affirmed) in the tyme of William Rufus yt was practysed in Englande, for whom, as for other kynges of the realme (notwithstandynge he took away the church goodes) the churche of England praieth, which yf she doe lawfully, then she dothe well in prayeynge for the bishopp, & to say she doth yt unlawfully were absurde. Furthermore, he affyrmed that the temporal lordes (yf they had need) myght lawefully taike the goods of such religious persons to releave there necessityes. When he hadd taughte these & many worse then these, not only openly in the scholes in Oxforde, but also had preached them publikly in London, that there he myght ether gett the favoure of the duke, & of others whom he had found prone to heare hys opynion, which thyngs he had long sought for, that ys to say that he myght fynde certayne of the nobilitye of thys realme, or rather more ryghtly devills, whoe wolde imbrace hys folyshe toyes, & wolde encorage hym what they colde to maike dull the sworde of Peter, & least he sholde be publikly punyshed they sholde defende hym with the seculer arm, by whom beynge supported, he muche more boldly communicated the matter of excommunication with them, in so muche that he drew into the pytt of errour, not only lordes, but also certeyne simple cytyzens of London, for he was not only eloquent but also a most perfect hypocryte & dyssembler, directynge all hys doyngs to one ende, that ys to witt to spreade hys worde, hys fame, & opynion amongst men. He feined hym selffe to contemne temporall goods as unstable & fraile for the love of eternal ritches, & therfor hys conversation was with those religious that had possessions; & that he myght the more delude the people's mynds, he adioyned hym selffe unto the beggynge freires, approvynge there povertye & extollynge there perfection, that he myght deceave the vulgar sorte. He was furnyshed with many arguments, but with no knowledge from God, & florished to maike hys opinions seeme probable, & abundantly inveighed the eares of the unheartened hearers with the composition of wordes which he spytefully enoughe cast furthe, & vaynly fed the wyndes without frute.

The duke, notwithstandynge, & Syr Henry Percye commended hys opinion, & endevored to extoll hys learnynge & honestye upp to heaven. Wherfor yt chaunced that beynge thus sett furthe with there favoure he feared not to divulgate hys vanytyes much more then before, but runnynge from churche to churche, sowed hys falsse madd opinions in the soules of manye. Wherefor (although somewhat late) the bishoppes beynge moved, wakened the archbishopp, there father, as out of a greate sleep, & as a myghtye man drunken with wyne, or rather as a hirelynge drunken with the poyson of covetousnes, that he wolde call backe the wandrynge sheepe from the forrage of so manifest perdition, & comytt hym to the oste to be cured, or els, yf neade requyred, sholde cut hym of. The archbishopp (although he had decreed pleasantly to leade hys dayes, & not to keape watche about hys flocke, whereby the woolfe and the hirelynge sheapherd whoe agree both in one thynge, that ys, that the Lordes [Christes] lambes myght be lett out to satisfye there gredines) least he sholde be noted of hys felow shepherds & companyons for a forsaiker of his sheepe, and thereby sholde loose hys fame & name, sent for this prodigall sonne to come & answeare to those thynges that were spoken of hym; for yf departynge from hys father, he had wantonly spent hys fathers goods, as yt was signified unto hym, or yf agaynst hys commandment, returnynge to hys vomyte, he had tasted of the forbidden meals (for the archbishopp had understandynge of these thyngs before), then he commanded hym after that not to touche that deade carcass, least he sholde not only by suche touchynge pollute hym selffe, but all others that sholde communicate with hym. Now he hearyng the thundrynge voyce of the offycer summoning that he ought to come before the bishopps, with feare he carefully thinketh upon his answeare, for an evil mynde knoweynge hym selffe guylty, & prycked with such naughty deedes, cannot be quiett, wherfor when he greately feared what answeare to geave, he was for an houre so care full that he lost hys streangth [was past hym selffe] but hys doctor who goethe about lyke a rorynge lyon, sekynge whom he may devoure, permytted hym to be not longe destitute of perverse answeares.

Of the discord raised in St Paule hys churche in London, betwene the Cleargie & the Duke, & Syr Henry Percye & the Londoners, by John Wiclyffe (age 49).

Thys sonne, therfor, of perdition, John Wiclyffe, was to appeare before the bishopps the Thursday before the feast of St. Peter his chaire [23rd February 1377],^x there to be convented for marvellous wordes that he had spoken, Sathan, the adversarye of the whoole churche, as ys beleaved, teachynge hym; whoe after the nynth houre, the duke & Syr Henry Percye, & divyers other assystynge hym, whoe by there powre were able to trouble the weake people, & also beynge as a meane betwene them, that yf any thynge sholde fall from the table of the ritche bishopps, that ys to say plate, although it were soyled in the fall, they wolde gather yt upp & wolde chew yt by there backbytynge, beholde the abominable hoste, John aforenamed, was brought furthe with greate pompe, nether yet was sufficient yt for hym to have onely the common sergeants, unlesse Syr Henrye Percye the chiefe Marshall of Englande did goe before hym; in the waye he was animated by his companions not to feare the congregation of the bishopps, whoe in respect of hym were unlearned; nether yet the concourse of the people, seynge that he was walled in on every syde with so many knightes. His body was now broughte into St. Paule's churche with an incredible pryde, where such a multitude of people was gathered togeather to heare hym, that yt was harde for the noble men & knyghtes (the people lettynge them) to passe through, and even by & by with this occasion they were persuaded craftely to pull backe with there handes there scholer, that he myght escape deathe entended hym by manye bishopps. The devill founde a way, that fyrste a dissension beynge mayde betwene the noble men & bishopp, hys answeare myght be differed. Truly when the people beynge gathered togeather, stayed to geave place unto the noble men, Syr Henry Percye, abusynge hys authorytye, miserably pricked forwardes the people in the churche, whiche the Bishopp of London seyng, prohibited hym to exercyse suche authoritye in the churche, saynge that yf he had knowne he wolde have used hym selffe so there, he sholde not have come into the churche yf he coulde have letted hym, whiche the duke hearynge was offended, & protested that he wolde exercyse suche authorytye whether he wolde or not. When they were come into our Ladyes chappell, the duke & barons, with the archbishopp & bishopps, syttynge downe, the foresayed John also was sent in by Syr Henrye Percye to sytt downe, for because, sayed he, he haythe much to answeare he haith neade of a better seate. On the other syde, the byshopp of London denyed the sayme, affyrmynge yt to be agaynst reason that he sholde sytt there, & also contrary to the law for hym to sytt, whoe there was cited to answere before hys ordinarye; & therfor the tyme of hys answearynge, or so longe as any thynge sholde be deposed agynste hym, or hys cause sholde be handled, he ought to stande. Here upon very contumelyous wordes did ryse betwene Syr Henrye Percye & the bishopp, & the whoole multitude began to be troubled. And then the duke began to reprehende the bishopp, & the bishopp to turne then on the duke agayne. The duke was ashamed that he colde not in this stryfe prevaile,^y & then began with frowarde threatenynges to deale with the bishopp, swearyng that he wolde pull downe both the pryde of hym & of all the bishopps in Englande, & added, thou trustest (sayed he) in thy parents, whoe can profytt the nothynge, for they shall have enough to doo to defend themselves, for hys parents, that ys to say hys father & hys mother, were of nobylitye, the Earle & the Countes of Devonshire. The bishopp on the other syde sayed, in defendynge the trueth I truste not in my parents, nor in the lyfe of any man, but in God in whom I ought to trust. Then the duke whysperynge in his eare sayed he had rather draw hym furth of the churche by the heare then suffer such thynges. The Londoners hearynge these words, angerlye with a lowd voyce cried out, swearynge they wolde not suffer there Bishopp to be injured, & that they wold soner loose there lyfe then there bishopp sholde be dishonered in the churche, or pulled out with such vyolence. There fury was the more encreased, for that the same day before none in the parlyament at Westminster, the duke being president, &c. it was requested in the kyngs name, that from that day forward there should be no more Mayre of London accordynge to the auncyent custome, but a captayne, and that the Marshall of England, as well in the cytye as in other places myght arrest such as offended, with many other thynges, which were manyfestly agaynst the lybertyes of the cytye, and portended daungers and hurt to the same, which being once hard, John Philpott, a cytezyn of specyall name, arose, and affyrmed that such thyngs were never sene, and that the mayor & comons wold suffer no such arrest, and so before none the counsell brake up. The duke and the byshops revylyng one another, the people wonderfully enraged and trobled, the enemy of mankynde, as I sayd before, procuryng this counsell, and by these occasyons that false varlet & mynyster of the devill persuaded, lest he should be confounded in his inventions, for he saw that in all thyngs he wold be profytable unto hym, & therefore was careful lest such a defender of his part should perysh ether secretly or so lightly.

Note x. The date here assigned to this remarkable transaction is doubted by Lowth, because the Pope's Bull, which he supposes to have been the cause of Wicliffe's citation to St. Paul's, bears as late a date as the 22d of May 1377. He therefore concludes, that the tumult could not have happened many days before the death of Edward the Third, which occurred on the 21st of June. Lewis, in his Life of Wicliffe (p. 50), supposes the meeting at St. Paul's not to have taken place till the February of the succeeding year, after the accession of Richard the Second, in which he is followed by Mr. Baber, in the memoirs prefixed to his edition of Wicliffe's New Testament, p. xvii. This, however, is completely at variance not only with the relation in the text, but also with that of Walsingham, the Continuator of Murimuth, and the other contemporary or early authorities. Mr. Godwin (Life of Chaucer, ii. p. 251) defends the earlier date, suggesting that the citation to St. Paul's was the immediate and personal act of the English prelacy, and that it was the citation of Wicliffe to Lambeth in the following year, which was the result of the Pope's interference, the English Bishops having found themselves too weak in the contest, and having, on that account, invited the interposition of the sovereign Pontiff. This appears to be the true solution, agreeing with the statement in the text, that it was upon the suggestion of the bishops, that Archbishop Sudbury had been unwillingly moved to issue the citation. It is true, indeed, that the mandate (preserved in Wilkin's Concilia, iii. p. 123), which the Archbishop and the Bishop of London, in consequence of the authority vested in them by the Pope's Bull, issued to the Chancellor of Oxford on the 5th of January following, required Wicliffe's presence at St. Paul's on the thirtieth juridical day from that date. But as we have no account from the contemporary writers that any second meeting in St. Paul's actually took place, it may be reasonably concluded that Lambeth was afterwards substituted, as a less likely scene for the renewal of popular commotion, though the result proved otherwise. The opinion here expressed may be strengthened by remarking that not only Fox, but his able antagonist Harpsfeld, who, though a zealous papist, was furnished with materials for his Ecclesiastical History by Archbishop Parker (in whose mild custody he was a prisoner) understood the tumult at St. Paul's to have preceded and been the cause of the Pope's interference, and that the proceeding at Lambeth was the consequence of it. Hist. Wicleffiana, p. 683.

Note y. y Fox, in quoting the Chronicle of St. Alban's, then belonging to Archbishop Parker, from which (as is stated in the introductory Letter) the Chronicle above printed is conceived to have been a translation, says, "to use the words of mine author, 'Erubuit Dux quod non potuit prevalere litigio,' i. e. that the Duke blushed because he could not overpasse the Bishop in brawling and railing." Acts & Mon. i. p. 558, edit. 1641. It clearly appears from this and other passages, that Fox had the use of the Latin original, translating it into language which suited his purpose, though not departing from the facts. Fuller, in his Church History, has dramatized this dialogue between the duke and the bishop, in his usual quaint style.

The comons of London, not knowyng that the duke was fled, in great fury hasted to the Savoye, and in an unlucky houre a pryest chaunced to meete them, and asked of some of them what that styrr or bysynes ment. Some of them answered hym, that they went to taike the duke and the Lorde Percye, that they myght be compelled to delyver agayne to the cytezyns the Lord Peter de la Mar, whom unjustly they held in pryson. The folysh pryest not know how to yeld or geve place to such commotions, but spewed out all the poyson that lay in his mynd, and made them answere, saying: This Peter, of whom you speake, is a traytor to the kyng, and was worthy to be hanged longe ago. With which words he so vexed them, that with a terryble noyes they all cryed, This is Percy, this is the traytor of England, his speech bewrayes hym. Then ran they all to hym, and strove which should come fyrst to kill hym. After they had beaten hym and wounded hym, they cary hym to pryson, where as what with his bands, as also the grefe and smart of his wounds within few dayes after he dyed. The Bishop of London hearyng that with suche unhappy sygnes, they hasted to the Savoye, left hys dynner, and met with them, admonyshyng them to be myndfull of the holy tyme (for it was Lent), and for the love of Chryst to leave off from there doings, least they chaunced to defyle that holy tyme with such sedytions, affyrmyng that he wold labor that all thyngs which were done agaynst them should have a comendable end, evene accordyng as they them selves would wyshe. And, doubtless, had not the byshop asswaged there mad mynds with these, or suche lyke words, the duke and the Lorde Percye had that daye lost eyther there lyves or some of there members. Yet, at the byshops warnyng, the matter was pacyfyed for that tyme, and every man gat hym home to his owne house. Then were the duke's armes hanged up in sygne of treason, in the most pryncypall streete of the cytye (uncertayne it is by whom, or by whose counsell the same was done), but sure it moved the duke after to excedyng anger. A certayn soldier of the dukes, called Thomas Wynton, a Scottish man borne, desyryng to shew hym selfe a favorer of his master, was so bold that day as to weare the dukes sygne about his necke, through the chefest streetes of the cytye, rydyng armed, in despyght of the cytezyns, and this enraged the people more, in so much that he was cast of his horse, and his collar or sygne drawn from his neck by the comons, and had bene well punyshed for hys rash temerity, had not the mayor delyvered hym from there hands, and sent hym a lyttle whyle after to his inn. After whiche deede, it was a syght to see the vanyty of fortune: those to whome the duke had geven such collars, whose pryd the earth was scarce able to beare, now became so humble that they gladly gat them from there necks, & hyd them from syght in there bosoms or sleves, with these afore they thought to gayn heaven and earthe; and as before they made them known & feared, so now the case being altered, they made them contemptible & subject.

The prynces^c desyrous to make peace betwyxt the cytezyns and the duke, sent unto London these knyghtes, the Lord Albred de Ver,^d the L. Symon Burle,^e the L. Lewes Clyfford,^f requestyng them, that for love of her, & at her request, they wold make peace with the duke, and end such tumultes for the generall evill or myschefe which comonly followeth such sedytions. The cytezyns, with all reverence, made answeare, that they wold do for her honor what soever she had commanded, but yet they willest or enjoyned the knyghts that came, to tell the duke in words, that he suffer the Lord Byshop of Wynchester to stande to his answeare, and be judged by his peeres, because at that tyme he was an ecclesyastycall person of such aucthoryty, they wold not suffer so greate losse without answeare and processe of lawe, & suffer the Lord Peter de la Mar to answeare for hym self, & prove hym selfe not gyltye, or otherwyse, as he had deserved, after the custome of the lawes of the realme to recyve manyfest judgment; the thyrd they wold account a traytor wheresoever he should be founde. The afore sayed knyghtes, no otherwyse then they had heard of the sayed citizens, reported unto the duke with full mouth those thyngs which had ben enjoyned them, whereby they made the duke very wofull, for whereas they had spoken of a traytor, this sayed he they speak of me, and ytt is not credible that they speak this of him.

Note c. The Princess was Joan, the widow of the Black Prince, who in her youth had been celebrated for her beauty as the "Fair Maid of Kent." She had been twice married or affianced before she became the wife of Edward, whom she survived nine years. Her death in 1385 is related by Walsingham (p. 343) to have been caused by her grief at the refusal of her son Richard the Second to pardon his half brother John Holand, who nevertheless after his mother's death was restored to favour, and created Duke of Exeter. Dr. Lingard says that the Princess obtained her son's full pardon. But according to Knyghton (col. 2676), it was by the intervention of the Duke of Lancaster and other lords, that the king's pardon was procured, as well as the indulgence of the Earl of Stafford, whose eldest son Sir John Holand had killed in their servants' quarrel. An ancient portrait of the Princess is copied in Strutt's Regal and Ecclesiastical Antiquities, No. XXXV. In her will, printed in Nichols's Collection, she declares her firm adherence to the Catholic faith, though five of the most distinguished supporters of Wicliffe are in the list of her executors.

Note d. Sir Aubrey de Vere was uncle to Robert Earl of Oxford, afterwards Duke of Ireland, the favourite of Richard the Second.

Note e. Of Sir Simon Burley, and the proceedings against him in the following reign, when he was beheaded on Tower Hill, a particular account is given by Froissart, his personal friend. Some inaccuracies in Froissart are pointed out by Tyrrel (Hist. Eng. vol. iii. p. 902), and a singular mistake in the MS. Ambassades, "Relation de la Mort," &c. where John Carnailly is substituted for Sir Simon Burley, has been noticed in the Archaeologia, vol. xx. p. 425, note.

Note f. Sir Lewis Clifford, an ancestor of Lord Clifford of Chudleigh, became a leader among the Lollards, but afterwards recanted to Archbishop Arundel. Walsingham, p. 409. His very remarkable will, in which he enjoins his executors to bury him, "false and traytor to his Lord God," with extraordinary indignities, is preserved in Dugdale's Baronage, i. p. 341. It may not be unworthy of remark, that his descendants have adhered to their ancient faith.

The knyghtes of the parlment errynge from the trueth graunt a peny for every head to be geaven unto the kynge.

A few days after the duke went unto the parlement, that for the causes expressed had been intermytted; but yet he voutchsaved not to come through the cytye, for he suspected the unconstancye of the people, & returned therefore by another way, & entered Westminster by secreete wayes, & so came unto the parlement by a certeine new maner, & not harde of before, hys servaunts goeynge before hym, & caryinge after hym swordes & bucklers, for that they trembled for feare, wheare no feare was. In the saime maner Syr Henry Percye followed hym, caryinge before hym the same show of warre. The duke therfor & the noble men sett downe, they demanded an answeare of the knyghtes of the countyes of those thyngs which had bene demanded of them; whoe over prompt to satisfye the duke's will, answeared instade of the commonaltye, (when the commonaltye was utterly ignorant of yt) that they wolde to helpe there soverayne kynge not of every house, but of every heade pay a peny^h throughout Englande, so that the money sholde be gathered into the handes of other Earls & Barons, untill they saw how such a somme sholde be spent; furthermore they demanded (as ys sayed suborned by the duke) that the Lord Latimer & Ales Peeres, & for the commonaltye Richard Lyones, disanullynge the last statute of the parlement, myghte by the judgement & statute of this present parlement be restored to all there thyngs, as well inheritance as gotten goodes, as they were before that parlement began. But these thyngs were done without the knowledge or consent of the commonaltye, for all the common people thought them to be worthye hangeynge, but therfor thus we have wryten, that yt may appeare to our posteritye, that not only injurye but also injustyce prevaled, & how faynt hearted the knyghtes were that sholde have stande for the commonaltye, for yf any vertue had remayned in theire hartes, they wolde not have consented to suche a new tax & never harde of before, nor have demanded of the duke, beynge presydent, that which was manifestly agaynst the myndes of the whoole commonaltye; I say in demandynge that murtherer the Lord Latimer & hys companyons, who were guyltye of many mens death, (as was commonly sayed) now alleadgynge hunger, now the iron sworde, & sometymes pryvye conspyracyes to have bene causes thereof.

Note h. The grant was fourpence per head, from every lay person, male and female, above the age of fourteen years, real mendicants excepted. See Rot. Parl. iii. p. 364. The very curious and interesting Subsidy Roll, distinguishing the number of persons assessed to this tax in each county, and in most of the principal cities and towns, will be found in the Archæologia, vol. vii. p. 337, having been communicated to the Society by Mr. Topham.

Syr Robert Astonⁱ speaketh for the Duke unto the Kynge agaynst the Londoners.

The duke havynge obteined as he desyred, that which he had longe conceaved in hys mynde, that ys to say, the taxe of all the heades of the whoole commonaltye, yett he colde not be quyet in his mynde, for that he thought upon the injury the Londoners had done unto hym, therefore he studied day & nyghte by what meanes he myghte restore agayne hys fame almoste loste. Att the laste, by a devised pollycye, he compelled the kynge by hys warrants to sende for the maior, & sheryffes, & also the cheife men of the cytye whom the comon people call aldermen, to come before his presence. Who beynge called, not darynge to goe agaynst the king's commandment, presently they came unto the kynge at his manore of Shene, & beynge brought into the kynge's chamber of presence, they founde the kynge, by helpe of his servaunts, placed in a certayn cheare, & sittynge like an image, & not able well to speake for the manifold greifes that he had by his sicknes, & certein bishopps with the archbishopp, the duke & the kynges sonnes, with many lordes & honorable men syttynge about hym; when after due reverence may de & sylence commanded, Syr Robert Aston began an oration in thys wyse, All you (sayed he) perchaunce do marvell why you are sent for to come into the kynge's presence, & in presence of these noblemen, & least I shold longe with vayne wordes suspend your sorrow full myndes, I will brevely declare the cause of your citation. You know what a greate shame your felow citezens lately broughte to our Soveraigne Lorde the Kynge, & by them was moved & almost turned to sedition all thys realme, I say the injurye was done unto the kynge, for yt ys plane that that whyche ys done agaynste his vicar ys done agaynste hym, without doubt yf you have any wytt you perceave what I meane. You remember with what reproaches you folowed not only hym that representeth hys person [supplieth his place] in the realme, but also the kynge's elder soñe. The offence truly is greate & notorious, & the like haythe not bene sene in our dayes, & therfor yt ys convenient that with a grevous revengement yt be punyshed. I say that with such a punyshment that yt may be a lesson for our postery tye to refrain themselves from persecutynge of there kynge. Therfor I councell you, O cytezens, to submyt yourselves unto the kynges mercye, whom you have grevouslye exasperated. You know that I have bene amongst humble intreatours, that he that hath leadd a mercifull lyfe, will conclude with a mercifull ende, & to mollyfye his harte, whyche you have greatly above all measure disquieted, submytt yourselves unto the duke's grace, his elder soñe, whom as appeareth you have principally offended, & perchaunce you shall understand any profitable councill without any gloossynge wordes. The Londoners answeared that they had not conspyred agaynst the duke, nether had there bene any shamefull thynge spoken or done agaynste hym that they dyd know of or consent unto, whiche thynge they were ready to prove before there soverayne kynge & the duke hym selffe, yett notwythstandyng they affyrmed, that they cold not stay the foolye of the common people, by whom that which had chaunced was commytted, for the common sort ofthem wantynge money, & not havyngea proper dwellynge house in the cytye, ys easelye incited to maike sturres, & so much leasse they feare to do evill in that they have no goods to loose. Wherfor the sayed citizens requested the kynge that he wolde not punysh those that were innocent & ignorant of the fact, & to maike the synnes of the offenders to redounde upon the heades of the unguyltye, for that sayed they shulde be agaynst all justice, but this for reverence of the kynge, they promysed the duke, that they wolde with all diligence endeavour themselves to brynge in the common people, & to compell them by law to maike due satisfaction. And more (sayed they) we are not able to doo for the duke that may be to hys honour; and at this worde with the kynge's will they were dismissed, full mery when they saluted the courte on there backes. After thys the kynge sente unto them secretly, commandynge them to call all the citizens. together, & to maike one searge [wax candle] with the armes of the duke his sonne in yt, & to carye the sayme in solemn procession to St. Paule's Churche, where yt sholde continue to burne before the image of the glorious Virgin, contynuated att the charge of the cytye. The wax candle therfor beinge mayde, the cytizens by voyce of the cryer are generally called together; at which call they come, they heare the cause of there commynge, but the commonaltye & those of the poorer sorte contemned to be present att such a procession, therfor with indignation every one departed hoome to his owne house; only the woorshippfull of the cytye maike the procession, placynge the wax candle where they were commanded. But the duke not contented with this satysfaction, he endevored to feare & styrre the cytyzens wythe reproaches & what threatenyngs he colde, sayinge that that whiche they had doone was nothynge gratefull unto hym, nay yt rather redounded to hys greater shame, cheifly for that while he was well in health & alyve, they had in suche sorte offered hys armes drawne in a waxe candle. On the other syde, the Londoners affyrmed that they had expressly done that which his father commanded them, & which they beleaved to have been agreable to hys mynde; yf they had knowne more, they were ready to execute all thyngs that sholde be acceptable unto hym, to whom the duke constantly affirmed, that they knew hys mynde, & were not ignorant how to maike satisfaction. With which wordes the citizens were much scandalized, for presently thys speache was emongst them. Yf (sayed they) yt be such an heinous offence, that with those thynges which the kynge his father for hys honour commanded to be doone, he do not thynke hym selfe satisfyed, what ys yt that we ought to doo unto hym? Wolde he that we sholde proclayme hym kynge, ys thys yt that he meaneth when he sayeth we know what he desyreth? but thys (sayed they) shall never be doone, & they departed asunder worse friends with hym, then they were before.

Note i. Sir Robert Aston, or de Asheton, was at this time Chamberlain of the King's Household. Rymer, vii. p. 143. He had been Justiciary of Ireland, and was appointed by the King an executor of his will.

About the sayme tyme, a certayne knyghte was taiken, called John Monstreworth,^k whoe had traiterously forsaiken the English army, at that tyme when as Syr Robert Knowles, by comandment of the kynge of Englande was sente with a great route of noblemen to invade & subdue in hys name the kyngedome of Fraunce. This John, therfore was ready of wyt & prompt of hand, but very ambitious, & leadd many stout men with willynge mynds in the sayme expedition; wherfor yt chaunced, that when he saw the sayed Syr Robert & other knyghtes lytle to esteme hys councell, in greate anger he forsooke the feild, & lefte them in there enemyes hands, at the sayme tyme cheifly when they had most neede of his helpe, & by that occasion our hoste suffered greate losse, & he with a perverse mynde like a traitour, went unto the kynge of Fraunce, whose councell the kynge usynge many ways hurte our Country. Att the laste he was taken in Navarr by a certein Vascoine Esquyre called Lodwike of St. Giles, neare unto the citye Pampilona, when as he caried letters & messages of the kynge of Fraunce towarde Spayne, together there as well plentye of armour as of shyppes to invade the realme of Englande; of all whiche he was apoynted captayne. Beynge broughte into Englande & compelled to confesse, he affirmed that about Æster he sholde have come with hym that callethe hym selffe the heire of Wayles to invade those partes, that beyng restored to hys owne by his helpe, he myghte rejoyce with his auncient inheritance, & he hym selffe to returne backe agayne to the kynge of Fraunce. Therefor after a few dayes beynge condemned to a shamefull deathe, when he saw there was no way to escape, he called for pen, & ynke, & paper, whiche Syr Henry Percye commanded to be brought unto hym, & he wrote the most parte of a sheete of ryall paper, & sealed yt, requestynge that no other but the kynge sholde open the sayme. Whiche letter Syr Henry Percye tooke at thys handes, but whoe opened the seale, or reade the contentes only (as yt ys reported) the duke & he dyd know, wherfor yt ys thought that that wrytynge ys not suffered to come to lyghte, for that they tow percieved certayne thynges there conteined (as ys supposed) that touched the conscyence of the one or of them bothe. The saime John, after he had wryten these thyngs, was drawne, hanged, and beheaded, and also cutt in foure partes, & penytent enoughe (as was sayed) as he gathered the frutes commynge by conspyracyes.

Note k. Of the misdeeds and execution of Sir John Menstreworth, a short account, containing but few of the particulars detailed in the text, will be found in Walsingham, p. 189, and a similar one in the Continuation of Murimuth, p. 138. Fabyan relates that he was convicted before the Mayor and other Justices of the King in the Guildhall, and executed at Tyburn.

The Bishopp of Winchester^l recovereth his temporalytyes by mediation of Ales Peres (age 29).

[March 1377] In the meane tyme the byshopp of Wynchester, whoo with many losses & iniuryes was afflicted, seynge the lawes of the lande not to be iustly handled, but accordyng to the will of certein persons, & beynge destitute almost of all man's helpe, although he thought the sayme to be unfyttynge for hym, be turned himselffe to the women kynde, that ys to wytt, forced with necessytye he dyd that whiche he ought to doo, providynge not only for hym selffe, but also for the oppressions & losses of hys churche. Therfor knowynge that Ales Peres, the kynge's con- cubyne, cold doo all thynges that she wolde, & that there was not any man that wolde in any thynge resyste her wyll, he requested her helpe, he offered her money, he promysed her greate frendshipp, yf she colde helpe hys bishopricke furth of such troubles. She promysed easely to dispatch his cause, & whoesoever thou be that knowest the manners of harlots, thou will not doubt of this, especiallye for that his cause was greate [harde], hys adversaryes stronge, and she overcovetous; for truly she not refusynge that whiche was offered, & hyred (as ys sayed) for a suffycyent rewarde, went forwardes to trye yf any sparkes of love yett reigned in the kynge, yf the deceites of a harlott myghte now, as in tymes paste, have place with hym. He therfor that long had been taken with her love, mitigated with her speache & prayers, supposed nothynge to be denyed her now that she asked. Therfor agaynst the duke's will, he commanded hys temporalytyes to be gyven unto hym agayne, & so the bishopp by ryght & wronge, maikeynge hymselffe freinds with the ritches of this worlde, he recovered that whiche was loste. The duke, althoughe he greavously tooke that whiche Ales had doone contrarye to hys desyre, yet fearynge the kynge's wrath, he purposed to be silent for a tyme, in deferringe his revengement, & to temper hys wrathe untell he myght more fyttly reward them.

Note 1. Bishop Lowth, anxious to support the reputation of his hero, observes with respect to this statement, that it "has been advanced without any other foundation of proof, or colour of probability than the supposed influence of this lady with the king by some late writers, at a time when, as it could not possibly be verified, so neither could it easily be confuted." But he appears to have forgotten that in his preface he had in effect admitted the antiquity, at least, of the story, by remarking that the work in which it was found appeared to have been written recentibus odiis i.e. "because of recent hostilities". Whether the statement be true or false, it seems to have been propagated in Wykeham's lifetime, and though perhaps a calumny, it cannot now be easily refuted. Towards the conclusion of his work, the Bishop labours with better success to disprove Bohun's assertion that Alice Perrers was Wykeham's niece. The family name of Alice his niece was Chawmpeneys, and she was married to William Perot. On this question, however, as well as on that of the alleged bribe to Alice Perrers, doubts unfavourable to Wykeham appear to have been entertained by Archbishop Parker, who most probably derived his information from the original of the Chronicle before us. De Antiq. Brit. Eccl. p. 386, edit. 1729.

The maryners kyll the Squyre that had slayne there felow.

About Ester the duke caused the whoole navye to be gathered to geather at London, but why he dyd so he only knowethe, & when, as they stayed there, yt chaunced a certein squire to kill one of the shipmen by the great persuasion (as ys sayed) of the kynges concubyne. The shipmen lamentynge the deathe of there felow, broughte the matter into the kynge's courte, which ys called the Marshallsea, which then as chaunced, was kept in Southwerke; but when they perceaved that courte to be over favourable unto the murtherer, & harde further that the sayed Ales Perres by the kynge's warrant had gotten a promyse of hys pardon, with a furious madnes, they runne unto the howse wherein this murtherer was kept prysoner, they burst in & brynge furthe the man with gyves on his leggs; att the last (he desyrynge a preist, to whom he myghte confesse hymselffe) they unmercyfully kyll hym like a swyne with a knyfe thruste into hys harte, disdaynynge ether that he sholde be confessed, or receave the blessed sacrament; that done tyinge a rope unto the gyves where with his feete had bene fettered in prison, & so fastenynge yt to one in this wyse, they drew hys bodye to the gallows; and when they had hanged hym upp upon the gibbet, as though they had done a great act, they caused the trumpeters to goe before them unto the shippes, where in greate myrthe they spent the reste of the day; and when divers persons attempted to feare them over muche, saynge, that such a heinous offence cold not be unpunyshed, they answeared, that yt was impossible to be revenged upon one of them, unlesse all were called to the like punyshment; and further they sayed, that the kynge now had greate nead of theire helpe, whoe, yf he wold not, or wold be ignorant to pardon them, they wold depart from hym, & seeke such a man that bothe sholde knowe how to keape them & also wolde love them, & with a stronge hand wolde oppresse those that wrought thē any evill. These wordes beynge knowne, the punyshment ys deferred and good will feyned.

The Bishopp of Norwiche ys shamefully used at his owne towne of Lynne.^m

A lytle [small tyme] after Æster the Bishopp of Norwiche comynge to Lynne, hys owne towne, not content with the accustomed honour that the bishopps, his predecessors had, sought to have a new honour; therefor, seyng the mayor of the towne, when he publikely walked through the streetes to have the sergeant go before hym, carryinge the mace in hys handes where soever he went, & supposynge hymselffe, for that he was lord of the towne, to be above the mayor, he requested of the cheif men of the towne, that that honoure myght be done unto hym whiche was doone unto a mayor. In very deede before the bishop the verger ys accustomed only to cary a rodd, typped with blacke horne at bothe endes. The maisters [aldermen] of the towne answear very courtly, that they were well pleased he shold have that honour, yf he colde by a good meanes, & without the offence of the commons of the towne, obteyne such a custome of the kynge or the kynge's councell, and brynge in the saime, otherwyse they sayed, that they feared the common people, that was unconstant and prompt to sedition, for the vulgar sort of that towne wolde stone them yf they sholde suffer suche a custome to be broughte in; therfore they desyre hym, upon there knees, that he wolde desyst from such a petition, that he wolde save hys owne honoure & the aldermen, whoe, without doubt, were in thys case in great daunger yf he persysted in hys purpose. The bishopp, but a young man & unbrydled,ⁿ supposinge thys humilytye of the towne's men to come only for feare of hym, usynge the councell of Roboum, answeared that he wolde in no wyse doo that whiche they requested, yea he wolde doo that whiche he had purposed, in the spyte of them all, whom he called ribauldes. He also dyd chyde the aldermen of the towne for there faynte hartes, for that they sayed they feared the common people of the towne, whome he esteemed as nothynge. All hearynge the bishopp's obstinacye, very humbly they say unto hym: for that, reverend father, (say they) you affyrme that you will altogeather doo that thynge even as you have sayed, we beseache you to have us excused, that we honorably conduct you without the towne & doo oure due reverence unto you; for truly we feare not only oure skyns, but also our lyves, for yf the comonaltye perceave us to cleave unto you att this present in this act, all the deeds sholde be imputed unto us, & so perchaunce we sholde, without cause, suffer punyshment. But the bishoppe, nothynge estemynge them or there reasons, commanded one of his servaunts to taike the mace & to cary yt before hym, whiche was doone, and when he had gone a lytle forwardes, the commons of the towne perceavynge (as they affyrmed) that agaynst the libertyes of the towne he had erected the mace, & caryed the sayme before hym in the sayme towne, psently they began to shutt the gates, to bende there bowes, & shoote att hym with arrowes, divers with other instruments persecuted hym; wherefore yt came to passe that he was stricken from hys horse, & hys horse hurte, & dyvers of hys men (for that yt was nere nyghte) were grevously wounded of the arrowe fliynge in darkenes, they certein of his men leavynge hym there fledd away.

Note m. This story is quoted in Blomefield's Norfolk (vol. ii. p. 368, fol.) from Fox, who has apparently (as in the instance referred to in a former note) translated it in his own words from the St. Alban's History. He has by mistake (as Blomefield has observed) substituted Lennam for Lynn. The town of Lanham, or Lavenham, in Suffolk, never belonged to the bishop, and has no corporation. Lenna, as Blomefield remarks, is the old Latin word for Lynn. It is rightly translated in the MS. copied in the text, and it is correctly given in Archbishop Sudbury's interdict issued on the occasion, and printed in Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii. p. 118.

Note n. This "young and unbridled" bishop was Henry Spencer, called the warlike Bishop of Norwich, whom Archbishop Parker describes to have been militiae quam theologiae peritior i.e. "skill in warfare rather than in theology.". He had been a soldier in his youth, and a commander in the army of the Pope, who preferred him to the see of Norwich. In 1383, when youth could no longer be his apology (for he had then been thirteen years a bishop), he raised a large army in defence of the Papal authority, and led it into Flanders. On his return he was fined and disgraced, but was subsequently pardoned. In his Life by Capgrave, printed in Wharton's Anglia Sacra, vol. ii. p. 359, his conduct is defended, and his character extolled for a strict regard to justice, and for liberality towards the poor.

[April 1377] About that tyme was the Earle of Salisburye & Sir Richard of Anglisisin^o sent into Fraunce to treate of peace, at least a truce of ii yeares or more, but they could not obtayne any longer truce then for a moneth,which they utterly refused. Whereupon they stayed in Fraunce about thes things (& some thinking they might saffely have passed betwixt Callais & Dovar^p) about 50 takynge shype wer forthwith intercepted by the galleys, & wer slayne, only ii men & ii wimen excepted, even yn the syghte of the townes men of Calays, they beinge not able to helpe them; Sr Hugh Cavarley (age 53)^q at the tyme beinge capityne of Callais toke this so greate injury in very evill parte, especially for that it was done while they were yet treatynge for peace, but he coulde not helpe it, but forthe with he toke with hym a number of his best and chosen out men, & purposynge to requite those injuries so don by the French men that troubled the peace, he made a roode in to Fraunce, kylled a great nombar of men, and brought bake with hym a greate booty of artillery & cattaile, the messengers returned into England & brought nothing backe but rumour of warrs.

Note o. Stow calls him "Sir Richard Anglisisin, a Poyton," but his true name was Guichard D'Angle, a distinguished and accomplished knight, according to Froissart, who says that the young King, Richard the Second, was, at his grandfather's death, placed under the tuition "de ce gentil Chevalier, Messire Guichard D'Angle, par l'accord de tout le pais, pour l'instruire en nobles vertus." i.e. "of this noble knight, Sir Guichard d’Angle, by the agreement of the whole country, to instruct him in noble virtues." He was created Earl of Huntingdon, and dying in London, was buried in Austin Friars church. Chaucer the poet (called by Froissart, Geoffroy Caucher) seems to have been also employed in the unsuccessful negociation mentioned in the text.

Note p. The spelling of Dovar in the text (which was by no means uncommon) may furnish an acceptable variation to those persons who are fond of adopting alterations in the names of towns, similar to that by which Dover has lately been transformed into Dovor.

Note q. To shew the unsettled state of the orthography of proper names at this period, I will just remark, that in documents preserved in Rymer's Fœdera, I find the name of this distinguished commander given with not fewer than six variations.