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The Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough, a canon regular of the Augustinian Guisborough Priory, Yorkshire, formerly known as The Chronicle of Walter of Hemingburgh, describes the period from 1066 to 1346. Before 1274 the Chronicle is based on other works. Thereafter, the Chronicle is original, and a remarkable source for the events of the time. This book provides a translation of the Chronicle from that date. The Latin source for our translation is the 1849 work edited by Hans Claude Hamilton. Hamilton, in his preface, says: "In the present work we behold perhaps one of the finest samples of our early chronicles, both as regards the value of the events recorded, and the correctness with which they are detailed; Nor will the pleasing style of composition be lightly passed over by those capable of seeing reflected from it the tokens of a vigorous and cultivated mind, and a favourable specimen of the learning and taste of the age in which it was framed." Available at Amazon in eBook and Paperback.
Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts is in Tudor Books.
March. 37. Sir Robert Cecil to Sir George Carew. Vol. 604, p. 69.
I hope it shall not seem to you any neglect that you have heard no more from me these 2.5 days and more, consideriug how great and important causes have held not only her Majesty, but all her Council and public ministers, from all other business of any other place but here at home, where no small blow was like to be given at the centre (as you may have heard by my former despatch) if God had not in his providence hindered their design ...
The 19th of February [1601] the Earl [of Essex] was arraigned (together with Southampton) in Westminster Hall before 25 peers, the Lord Treasurer (age 66) [Buckhurst] sitting as Lord Steward. At the bar the Earl laboured to extenuate his ftiult, by denying that ever he meant any harm to her Majesty's person, and by pretending that he took arms principally to save himself from my Lord Cobham (age 37) and Sir Walter Ralegh (age 48), who (he gave out) should have murdered him in his house on Saturday night. He pretended also an intention he had to have removed me with some others from the Queen, as one who would sell the kingdom of England to the Infant of Spain, with such other hyperbolical inventions. But before he went out of the Hall, when he saw himself condemned, and found that Sir John Davys (age 40), Sir Ferdinando Gorges (age 37), Sir Charles Davers, and Sir Christopher Blunt had confessed all the conferences that were held at Drury House, by his directions, for the surprising of the Queen and the Tower, which argued a premeditated treason (which he laboured to have had it prove only a sudden putting himself into strength, and flying into the city for fear of being committed over night when the Lords sent for him, which upon my faith to you, to whom I will not lie, was only to have reproved him for his unlawful assemblies, and to have wislied him to leave the city and retire into the country), he then break out to divers gentlemen in these words, that his confederates wlio now had accused him had been principal inciters of him, and not he of them, even ever since August last, to work his access to the Queen with force.
After he [Robert Devereux 2nd Earl Essex] had been in the Tower one night, he sent to the Lord Thomas Howard, being constable of the Tower, by Mr. Warburton, to entreat him to move her Majesty to send unto him the Lord Keeper (Egerton), Lord Treasurer (Buckhurst), Lord Admiral (Nottingham), and me the secretary by name, that he might now discharge his conscience, and confess his great obstinacy in denying those things at his arraignment wherewith he had been charsed, as also to reconcile himself to his enemies, and specially to me, whom he liad wronged as a councillor, when he pretended at the bar that the cause of his taking arms was the rather to save the kingdom of England from the Spaniard, to whom it was bought and sold, particularly urging it upon me, who had been a dealer in the peace; adding also that he had heard that I delivered to a councillor that the Inftint had the best title: to the which when I replied, and pressed that the party that told it him miglit be brought forth, Mr. Controller (Sir Edward Wotton?) was named by the poor Earl of Southampton, who, being sent for into the seat of judgment, very like a gentleman and a Christian cleared me that I did never speak of that in other sort than as reporting what a strange book was come forth of one Doleman dedicated to the Earl of Essex, which did maintain that title to be the best.
Thus do you see, Sir, who (I think) would easily free me from such a barbarous imputation, how great an injury he did me, for which God forgive him. But now to resort to the place I left; when it pleased her Majesty the next day to send us four unto him, being Saturday, he did with very great penitency (as ever I saw) confess how sorry he was that he had made so obstinate denials at the bar, desiring that he might have liberty to set down in writing his whole project of coming to the Court in that sort, which he hath done in four sheets of paper, and even indeed concurring with Sir Charles Davers, Sir John Davys, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and Mr. Littleton's confessions; declaring, first, that he sent divers articles to be considered of for that matter, as namely, whether It were not good, at the same time of coming to Court, to possess the Tower, to give reputation to the action, if the city should misHke it; next, that Sir Christopher Blunt should take the Court gate, Sir John Davys should, with some company, command the Hall, and go up into the gi-eat chamber, where some unsuspected persons were appointed to have gotten into the room aforehand, and to have seized on the halberts of the guard, which commonly, you know, stand piled up against the wall; and Sir Charles Davers should have been in the presence, with some other gentleman, to have made good that place; whereby my Lord of Esses, with the Earls of Southampton, Kutknd, and some other noblemen, should have gone in to the Queen, and then, having her in their possessions, to have used the shadow of her authority for changing of the government, and so to have called a Parliament, and have condemned all those that shoidd have been scandalized to have misgoverned the State.
This is the substance of his confession, which he first delivered verbally to us, and then proceeded on in his speeches, asking particularly forgiveness of the Lord Keeper, and desired him to report it to the rest whom he caused to be imprisoned in his house, sorrowing in his heart that they had been put in fear of their lives. Then he did most passionately desire, in Christian charity, forgiveness at the hands of those persons whom he had particularly called his enemies, protesting that when he first resolved of this rebellious act, he saw not what better pretext he could have than a particular quarrel, and to none so fit to pretend quarrel as to those whom he had at the bar named his greatest adversaries.
Then, being earnestly urged still to say what he knew or could reveal, especially of that injurious imputation to me, he vowed and protested that in his own conscience he did freely acquit me from any such matter, and was ashamed to have spoken it, having no better ground; and professed withal to bear no malice to those others, the Lord Cobham and Sir Walter Ralegh, whom he had named his enemies, and by whom Qmt as they had been ill-willers to him) he knew no other than that they were true servants to the Queen and the State.
After that he [Robert Devereux 2nd Earl Essex (age 35)] made a very humble suit to the Queen, that he might have the favour to die privately in the Tower which her Majesty granted, and for which he gave most humble thanks. The 25th of February [1601] he suffered in the Tower with very great patience and humility, only, notwithstanding his resolution that he must die, the conflict betwixt the flesh and the soul did appear only thus far that in his prayers he was fain to be helped, it proceeding out of the weakness of the flesh at the instant, for otherwise no man living could die more Christianly than he did.
This death of his was the more hastened by that bloody practice of Thom Lea (age 50), who, not four days after the Earl's apprehension, dealt with Sir Henry Nevill, son-in-law to the Lord Treasurer, and with Sir Robert Crosse, assuring them that he would deal also with some four other gentlemen of resolution, who, at supper time, when the Queen should have been in the privy chamber, should have taken her, locked the doors, and, as he sillily pretended, only have pinned her up there till he had forced her to sign a warrant for the Earl's delivery out of the Tower. Which vile purpose being discovered by those two gentlemen and avowed to his face, he being that very night watching at the privy cliamber door to discover bow he might the next day have had access, he was seized on, and being examined, confessed thus much, only vo-wing that he would not have hurt her royal person, whom God bless, except others would liave forced in upon her to hinder that course which he pretended for their delivery; but within four days [14th February 1601] he received the due reward of a traitor at Tyborne.
The 5th of March [1601], Sir Christopher Blunt (age 36), Sir Charles Davers (age 33), Sir John Davys (age 39), Sir Gelly Merick, and Henry Cuff (age 38) were ail arraigned at Westminster and condemned, they confessing the plot as is afore set down, with many other circumstances to it, absolutely submitting themselves to her Majesty's mercy, which is like to appear in some of them.
[13th March 1601]. But Merick and Cuff (age 38), the one a principal actor, the other a chief plotter and inducer of the were yesterday executed at Tyburne.
It remaineth now that I let you know what is like to become of the poor young Earl of Southampton, who, merely for the love of the Earl, hath been drawn into this action; who, in respect that most of the consjiiracies were at Drury House, where he was always chief, and where Sir Cliarles Davers lay, those that would deal for him (of which number I protest to God I am one, as far as I dare) are much disadvantaged of arguments to save him. And yet, when I consider how penitent he is, and how merciful the Queen is, and that never in thought or deed, but in this conspiracy, he offended, as I cannot write in despair, so I dare not flatter myself with hope.
For the rest of the noblemen that are in the Tower, as Rutland, Sandes, CromweU, Monteagle, excepting Sandes and Cromwell, I j)resume the other two shall have mercy; but Sandes and Cromwell are appointed to be tried tomorrow by the peers at Westminster Hall.
For Sir Charles Davers, nothing hath more alienated the hearts of men to deal for him than this, that, above all others, tdl lie saw all their own hands, he was most obstinate in impudent denials. Sir Henry Nevill, that was ambassador in France, is likewise in displeasure for having been acquainted with all the circumstances of this plot by Cuff and Davers, and not revealed it, wliich in a gentleman of his wisdom hatii been no small crime, nor to me no small grief, having married mine own cousin germain.
Three or four days since here arrived the Earl of Marr with the Lord of Kynloss, ambassadors fi-om the King of Scotland. Their eriands are generally holden to be, to deal plamly and sincerely with the Queen about the foreign employments, Avherewith the King hath been scandalized abroad; likewise about Sir William Evers and other prisoners here. He hath not yet had audience, because his carriages are not vet arrived." ^ "^
Not dated. Signed.
Pp. 5. Endm-sed: 11 (?) Martii 1600, from Mr. Secretary. Received by Patrick Crosbie at Lymerick, 16 Aprilis 1601.