Books, Calendars, Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533

10 Jan 1533. R. O. 32. The King's New Year's Gifts.

Account of plate received of the following goldsmiths, and given away in New Year's gifts, 1 Jan. 24 Hen. VIII.:—

Of John Freman.—In gilt cups, &c. to Master Norres, lady Sandes, Sir Nich. Caroo, the bp. of Bath, the bp. of Lincoln, the abbot of Ramsey, the earl of Sussex, the bp. of Ezeter, Sir John Aleyn, Ric. Gresham, the King's Almoner, the lady of Salisbury, the bp. of Durham, the bp. of York, the Lord Steward, the bp. of Carlisle, the earl of Northumberland, the Princess, Master Sydnour, the earl of Westmoreland, Master Comptroller, the abbot of St. M. Abbey, the earl of Worcester, Sir James Bulleyn, lord Darcy, the duke of Norfolk, the Lord Chamberlain, Sir Ric. Paige, Sir Will. Kyngeston, Sir John Gaige, Sir John Russell, Sir Geo. Lawson, Sir Thos. Nevile, lord Curson, lord Mountague, lord Zouche, lord Stafford, lord Powes, the old duchess of Norfolk, the Princess, the "lady marques" of Exeter, the countess of Worcester, Sir Edw. Seymer, Sir John Nevile, lady Fitzwilliam, lady Russell, wife of Sir John Russell, Dr. Lupton, lord Dawbenney, the old lady Guildford, the countess of Huntingdon, the "lady marques" of Dorset, Master Crumwell, lady Outhrede, Becket the King's master cook, lady Lucy, the earl of Northumberland, the countess of Westmoreland, lady Stanneope, the bp. of Exeter, the Lord Chamberlain, lord Awdeley, lady Nevile, wife* of Sir Thos. Nevile, lady Kyngeston, lady Calthrop, lady Russell of Worcestershire, Geo. Lupkyn,—Lee, gent, usher, lady Verney, the countess of Derby, Borrein Myllyner, the earl of Huntingdon, lord Morley, lady Mountegill, Master Treasurer, — Parker, of the Robes and his wife, — Hubbert of St. Katherine's, Luke Liark, gunner, Mayon Sagbut, Christopher Myllyner. Total, 1,550 oz. at 5s. 2d. the ounce, = 400l. 8s. 4d.

Of Corneles.—To the earl of Wiltshire (age 56), Thos. Hennage, the bp. of Ely, Sir John Daunce, Sir Francis Brian, — Heywood, lord Dacris of the South, the earl of Oxford, the bp. of London, the bp. of Rochester, — Layland a priest, Dr. Buttes, the bp. of Llandaff, lord Mountjoye, lord Hussey, the prior of Christchurch, Canterbury, Sir Edw. Nevile, Sir Ric. Weston, Fraunces Weston, Sir Edw. Baynton, John Sowle, of Smithfield, Thos. Warde, the marquis of Exeter, Master Tuke, Thos. Alverd, Master Crumwell, Roger Radclif, the earl of Essex, the earl of Wiltshire, Master Crumwell, Dr. Rawson, lady Wingfeld, Jenyns Jueller, the dean of St. Stephen's, Sir Edw. Guldeford, lady Broune, Anth. Cassidony, lady Powes, old lady Brian, Anne Joscelyn, Anth. Toote, graver, — Vincent, clockmaker, Vincent Wolf, painter, — Rawlyns of Calais, — Blaknall of the Crown, — Skydmor, gent, usher, the abbot of St. Albans, Master Hennaige, Sir Anth. Broune, the French queen, the duke of Suffolk, the earl of Derby, the abbot of Abingdon, lord Mountegill, Peter Vaune, secretary, the abbot of Peterborough, the abbess of Reading, the duke of Suffolk, the bp. of Hereford, Sir Thos. Palmer, Sir Brian Tuke, the young duchess of Norfolk, the earl of Rutland, lord Windessore, the dean of the Chapel, Master Sullyerd, the French queen, the lord of St. John's, the countess of Rutland, Geo. Ardison, the countess of Kent, Anne Savaige, Mistress Margery, lady Shelston, Thos. Alverd, Richard the King's "pullicer" of stones, the abbey of Westminster, Anth. Antonyes. Total, 1,5603/8 ozs. at 5s. 2d. the ounce, = 403l. 1s. 11¼d.

Of Morgam Wolf parcels.

To the Jewel-house, Sir Hen. Wiat, Master Norres, lord Lisle, lord Rochford (age 30), — Hasilwood of the Receipt, the young lady Guldeford, Sir Arthur Darcy, Gorron Bertinus Italian, to the christening of Sir Will. Pounder's son in May. Total, 3483/8 ozs. at 5s. 2d the ounce, = 89l. 7s. 0¼d. Of Will. Davy.—Parcels to Will. Lokke, Basterd Fawconbrige, John Cavalcant. 76½ oz. at 5s. 2d. the ounce, = 19l. 15s. 3d.

Parcels of plate new made and amended between the last day of Dec. 23 Hen. VIII. and the 1st of Jan. 24 Hen. VIII. by the King's goldsmiths, viz., (1). By John Freman, received out of the scullery, the pitcher-house; of Sir Francis Brian, the King's vessel that the arms of the said Sir Francis may be taken out, and the striking the same vessel with the arms of Master Wallop, who was deputed ambassador to the French king in April last; of the ewery, the cellar, the "chaundry," the jewel-house; for taking the Cardinal's arms out of plate and striking the King's arms in the same; for burnishing, &c. of plate given to the lady marques of Pembroke, received of Hen. Collyer, clerk of the Jewel-house. Received by the said Henry, for the Princess, of the said John Freman, a gilt cruse with a cover. Due to the said John Freman for a cruse silver and gilt, given by the King's command to Anthony, one of his minstrels, and not entered in the warrant of the New Year's gifts. Total of the same John Freman's parcels of mending stuff, 27l. 16s. 8½d.

(2). By Cornelis, received out of the pantry of the groom porter, out of the ewery, the "chaundry," the pitcher-house, for making a new sword of gold to the George of Diamantes belonging to the King's collar of gold, and garters for the same; received of Hen. Collyer, clerk of the Jewel-house; of the said Henry at the same time a pair of silver snuffers of the Princess; out of the Jewel-house in the Tower, for taking the Cardinal's arms out of various pieces of plate, of which curious descriptions are given, and striking the same with the King's arms; received at the Jewel-house at Calais, for making other plate with the King's arms, for striking the arms of the lady marques of Pembroke on various articles of plate, burnishing, &c. Delivered by the said Cornelis 40 amels of fine silver graven with my lady marques of Pembroke's arms, and set in several parcels of plate, making and burnishing of the same ammelles, &c. Total of Cornelys' parcels of mending stuff, 52l. 14s. 2½d.

Sum total of all the parcels in money, £993 3s. 5½d.; which sum Sir Brian Tuke is commanded to pay to the persons before written upon sight of warrant dated Greenwich, 10 Jan. 24 Hen. VIII.

Large paper, formerly a roll consisting of ten leaves written on one side only.

27 Jan 1533. Vienna Archives. 89. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

Three days ago received the Emperor's letters of the 27th ult., concerning the visit of the Emperor and the Pope to Bologna, and the exploit of the prince of Melphi. Communicated part of it to the duke of Norfolk (age 60), to be reported to the King, who was in the country. The Duke was pleased with the news, and thanked me for my good offices, saying they would be as agreeable to the King as to himself. I told him your Majesty was very desirous to preserve friendship, and had such confidence in the King that you would not conceal any of your affairs; you were pleased to hear that the two Cardinals were coming to Italy at the King's instance, and had put off treating with the Pope until their arrival. Said this partly on account of their refusal to allow ambassadors at the interview at Calais, but chiefly because the French ambassador had said that your Majesty wished to settle everything before the Cardinals arrived, but the Pope refused. Norfolk praised your intention, and said the Cardinals had already arrived at Bologna, and were honourably received. He spoke of the sumptuousness of their train, and wondered how they could assemble so great a company in so short a time, as it was agreed by the Kings that they should only take 24 horses between them. When I tried to find out the cause of their mission, he excused himself as before by his illness, which prevented him from attending to business. He said he wished the Emperor had been at St. Omer at the same time, for then the interview would not have been without his presence. I replied, that I thought they did not want many witnesses, as they prevented ambassadors from coming. He said the reason of this was that the object was not to make treaties, but only enjoyment, and it was not worth while to give ambassadors the trouble of coming, but that the presence of your Majesty's would have been the cause of proposing many important matters. I suggested that, perhaps, the Cardinals had orders to put forward what the Kings had wished to treat with your Majesty, and, if it was feasible, they might remedy your Majesty's absence at the inverview. The Duke hoped this would happen, and said that though the Cardinals were good men, and privy councillors of the French king, they only knew the outside of affairs, and everything was in the hands of the Chancellor, Grand Master, and Admiral, all of whom he praised, but especially the Admiral. The Grand Master he liked least of the three.

27 Jan 1533. 89. The Duke said nothing else about Rome, nor about the brief which has been executed there, of which the King has been already informed. In conclusion, he spoke again of the great good which would result from the union of the Emperor with the King. Acknowledged all that he said, and added several benefits which would spring from this union. Did this in order to show the folly of giving up these advantages for such a slight reason and for a fancy (une affection), to say nothing of the scandal to Christendom and the authority of the Church. If this union were accomplished, there would be no cause of offence left among Christian princes, except the Vayvode, who was not of much consequence. He replied that he left the right or wrong of the King's desire to the doctors, for he knew nothing about it, and would not read any books on the subject, however the King pressed him. As to there being no cause of offence left between the Princes, he said he did not know,—implying that France would still grumble; and shortly after he assured me that the Vayvode would get no help from England, which he could not promise for the others. After this conversation he took me into his inner room (riere chambre), and showed me certain books and other things. On leaving he gave me the dirks, of which I spoke before, and accompanied me not only out of the chamber but to my barge. Besides a thousand other civilities he begged me to allow him to do for me, not pleasure, but, as he said, service. Though this is unimportant, it is unusual, and shows some affection for your Majesty.

Dr. Cremmer, late ambassador with your Majesty, had not been here a week, before the King, to the great astonishment of everybody, promoted him to the archbishopric of Canterbury. One of the causes of the general surprise is, that the King usually leaves benefices vacant for a year for the sake of the revenues, which then belong to him, and this archbishopric has not yet been vacant four months. Besides, the King has advanced the money for the expedition of the bulls, so as to have no delay. It is suspected that the object of this haste is, that the Archbishop, as Legate of the kingdom, may authorize the new marriage in this Parliament, judging this divorce necessary.

27 Jan 1533. 89. I do not think much notice will be taken here of the brief for the removal of the Lady, of which May and Ortis have informed me, as it is neither precise, nor is it the excommunication threatened by the first (reaggravatoire du premier) granted at Bologna. They will hope that the Pope will give a secret relaxation of this as he did of the other.

It seems that as the process is rife for referring the sentence, this is done only to satisfy your Majesty. The Pope might have given sentence, but has preferred to decree this brief, so that he can revoke it at his pleasure, which would not be the case with the sentence. This he continually defers so as keep your Majesty and the King in subjection and uneasiness (garboille). The King has often said that, considering the friendship between your Majesty and the Pope, he would have been condemned 100 times if he had been in the wrong, and that, notwithstanding that he is in the right, friendship for and fear of your Majesty makes the Pope do many things.

Unless his presumption and hope is taken away by the sentence, he will care little for anything else. Since writing the above, your Majesty's letters of the 5th have arrived. I have consulted with the Nuncio about the best means of bringing the matter to pass (rendre la matiere). Cannot find out who has proposed the affair to the Nuncio, but I hope to do so shortly. London, 27 Jan. 153[3].

P.S.—Since writing the above, the courier has been delayed, and the Nuncio has spoken to "son home," whom he has not yet made known to me. From what he says, the said man at the beginning changed his tune, demanding that not only the trial of the case but the definitive [sentence] should be delegated away from Rome. Now he has returned to his former footing, to remit the definitive to the Pope, though he asked for eight days in which to give an answer,—I suppose, in the hope of having news from the Cardinals. He considers Cambray as imperial and not neutral, and wishes the place to be in the power of the king of France, whom he considers neutral. They wish also to have neutral judges, and I think they will accept none but French. Nothing has been said about the condition of obeying and observing the brief, and it does not seem necessary until the answer is given. As I have only just heard of all this, I have not informed the Queen, which I will do to morrow, 29 [Jan.]

I fear that this overture is only to cause delay, and to break the shock of the sentence, which they see is imminent. The King and the Lady's relatives apparently care for nothing but gaining time and continuing this life. There are two disadvantages in this proposal. One is, that if the King wishes to "calumpnier," he may make the affair immortal. Some reasonable time should, therefore, be assigned to the commissaries. The other is, that the deputies may, perhaps, annul the examination of witnesses for the Queen. This would be an almost irreparable injury, and must be expressly reserved. The 29th.

Fr. From a modern copy.

04 Feb 1533. Cleopatra, E. IV. 28*. B. M. Ellis, 3 Ser. II. 245. 115. Ric. Lyst, lay brother among the Friars at Greenwich, to Anne Boleyn (age 32).

I wrote to you of a certain chance happened among us here, since which I have sent word thereof to the King and your father privily by Dr. Goodryche. I marvel that the matter is so slenderly looked upon as yet. I heard, more than a year ago, that the King was minded to move us from Greenwich to Christchurch in London, and make this place a college. I think it may be done without any offence against God or great note of the people, considering how some of our company have used themselves against God, the King, and you. If there had been a place of our religion in London, many inconveniences would have been avoided. It would be a meritorious deed if you could help to bring it to pass. I was in some trouble by reason of the piteous chance happened amongst us, and my trouble increases so, that I can scarcely take my natural rest two nights a week. If it continues I fear disease will ensue. I beseech you to pray for me, for I do daily for you. By God's grace and prayer I trust to have remedy, for I have some learning and intelligence. I have often spoken and answered in the King's cause and yours, for which I have suffered rebuke and trouble, but it has been rather comfort than otherwise, and so it should be to every true lover in the cause of his friend. I have often been called in derision your chaplain, but I have not yet taken priest's orders, though I intend to do so, and trust, within two years and less, to say 100 masses for your prosperous state, spiritual and corporal. I am now at liberty to be a priest, for a young woman to whom I was made sure by way of marriage before I came to religion, is departed to the mercy of God. I am 40s. in debt for clothes and other things necessary for my mother, but I am half ashamed and more to beg any more of you, because you have been so good to her in times past. Nevertheless, if it shall please you to remember her, the alms can be delivered either to Dr. Goodryche, one of the King's chaplains, or to Master Cole, sub-dean of the Chapel Royal. 4 Feb.

Hol., p. 1. Add.: "[To the mo]st onerabyll lady [marquesse] of Penbroke." Endd.

09 Feb 1533. Vienna Archives. 142. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

Wrote last on the 29th. Though the Nuncio was put off eight days for an answer, he returned to the duke of Norfolk (age 60) the day I wrote last, and was with him a long time, though he told me nothing of it. Early the next morning he went to Greenwich, and was nearly all day with the King and Council, going from one to the other. Heard of this from a servant of the Queen, and went to the Nuncio to find out the mystery; but he would not repeat what had passed, as he had been accustomed to do, and concealed having spoken to the King and Council. When I said to him that since he had been put off to a certain day for his answer, as the nature of these people is to go further back the more they are pressed, he might injure his business instead of advancing it, he replied that he was a poor gentleman, living by his service, and it was right for him to act thus. I do not quite understand what he meant by this, unless that he pretended he could mend the affair somehow (que ainsi faisant il pourroit a quelque fin que tombat l'affere amender de ceulx cy.) He says that for a year they have made him large offers, if he would favor the divorce. Could get nothing out of him but that he had gone to Greenwich to find the man who had fixed the term of eight days for his answer, and being there did not omit to visit the duke of Norfolk. It seems probable from this dissimulation that the Nuncio was the promoter of these practices. Yesterday morning the King sent for him to give him his answer, and to take him to Parliament. The King went by water, and during the journey praised the Nuncio for his conduct, and thanked him for the affection and goodwill which he showed to his service. He asked him not to take it in bad part, if he gave him no other answer about the proposal he had made to him; the reason was not distrust, but because it would be a useless waste of time, as the whole must be referred to the Pope, and he would send his ambassadors full instructions and powers. The Nuncio told him that as the affair would not admit of delay, if the instructions and powers were not in proper form the Pope would be constrained to proceed to the sentence; for this reason it would be well to communicate the whole to him, and to cause the Queen to send a similar power. To this the King would not consent. The Nuncio told him that if this agreement took effect he must recall the Queen, and treat her more cordially. The King replied that he had already given him an answer about this, and he would do nothing of the kind, and for good reasons, her disobedience and extreme severity to him.

09 Feb 1533. 142. After dinner the Nuncio came to tell me of the King's answer to him. The Nuncio was not asked to this assembly without a purpose (sans mistere). Perhaps it was intended to awe the prelates by showing them that the King has intelligence with the Pope; to change the opinion of the people about excommunication, or to make your Majesty and the Queen jealous.

Whenever the Nuncio has spoken with me, I have tried to find out what benefit, either public or private, can arise from the scheme he proposes; but he always in conclusion agrees with me, that the best and most sure way not only to settle this affair, but to remove all difficulties between the Princes, would be a speedy sentence. He says he has written thus to the Pope more than 1,000 times, but he is not listened to. Even if he had thought otherwise he would hardly have dared to say so, for previously he has always spoken in this manner. A fortnight ago he said that there was no other means of detaching the King from his connection with France, except the settlement of this affair, for his friendship with France is caused only by his expectation of support from them in this case. Reminded him of having said this; and he did not deny it; but he excuses his prosecution of this practice by his ignorance of the necessity and disposition of the affairs treated by your Majesty and the Pope.

One of the reasons for my suspicion that the Nuncio himself proposed this scheme is, that he has always been trying to find means that the cause might be decided elsewhere, saying to the King that the Pope had greater desire to be released from it than the King himself, and there was nothing in the world he would not do to be freed from the burden.

The repetition of such words by the Nuncio has made the King persist so obstinately in the remission of the cause, being sure that the Pope would help it as much as he could.

As I did not expect the scheme to take effect, I almost thought it better not to say anything about it to the Queen; but at the request of the Nuncio, who had heard that she had some inkling of it, I informed her of it at length, giving her good hopes and confidence, though there was no need of this, as she would not lose hope in anything that is passing through your Majesty's hands. On hearing of it, she was much astonished and vexed at the Pope, who, after keeping her waiting for three years and a half, instead of giving sentence, had begun a new practice to cause more delay, and make her die of grief, with the reputation of having lived as the King's concubine, leaving her daughter in continual perplexity and misery. Such means, she said, would not make matters better, but the reverse; for as long as the King has some remains of hope, he will not cease doing the worst he can against your Majesty, the Pope, and herself; and that to avoid so many evils, to say nothing of her own interest, she would not consent to such a proposal, unless indeed it was your Majesty's will. Even if the King promised to obey the brief, he would make her lead a worse life than before, and in a short time recall the Lady. She therefore begs your Majesty to urge the decision of her process, assuring you, as she knows the King better than any one else, that no war nor slander will result, but great good, both for your Majesty and herself; there would be no difficulty about the King's obeying it, and, even if there were, she would live and die consoled, when justice was declared for the discharge of her conscience and the assurance of the Princess's succession.

I think they are only entertaining this practice to gain time, and wait for an opportunity for obtaining from the Pope an absolute dispensation to marry again, without a process, which they say Lewis XI. and Ladislaus of Hungary had. I believe that if the King once gains the point of not being bound to appear at Rome, a most unreasonable demand, he (the Pope) will have less shame in granting the said dispensation by absolute power, as it is made out that the King's right is so evident, and if his Holiness will not grant this, instead of baffling the King, he will find the King more inimical than ever.

I do not know by what paths the Pope expects to lead the King and separate him from France, seeing what he has already done and continues to do against the authority of the Church, unless there has been some collusion between them. I think that as the King has already made some profit out of Church matters, and is now touched with avarice, considering also the persons he has about him, it will be difficult to prevent him treating his ecclesiastics badly without regarding the Holy See. The lady and her father, who are perfect Lutherans, abet him in this (le mectent en cecy), and the Pope must not think to have any influence over the King while the lady and the present Council reign, unless he will give the dispensation already mentioned.

09 Feb 1533. 142. A sentence is the sovereign and only remedy, and the Queen says that the King would not struggle against it, if only from fear of his subjects, who are not only well disposed to your Majesty and the Queen, but for the most part good Catholics, and would not live in excommunication and under an interdict. The King would, therefore, be forced to obey the sentence. If a tumult arose, I do not know if the Lady (age 32), who is hated by all the world, would escape with her life and jewels. If the Pope does not take care, and that soon, he will lose his authority here little by little, and his censures will not be regarded. Besides, the sentence could not come at a better time than now, when there is war with Scotland; for if, in consequence of the interdict, they could have no intercourse with Flanders and Spain, there would be such excitement against the King and his Council as never was before. Would not have written thus, as your Majesty knows the importance of affairs better than any one else, but the Queen commanded me to do so.

It appears clearly that the King only demands the remission of the cause to cause delay, and make it immortal; for while it was before the Cardinals here, he took no trouble to produce witnesses or instruments, but only insisted on a sentence, as the process must have ended in a sentence in his favor. What can he add now, except that he wishes to examine witnesses as to the consummation of the first marriage, for which there would be no reason to insist on the scheme proposed, as the Rota would grant demissoria to examine them here, if he wished?

As to what the Pope said to your Majesty, that if the King wished to appear at Rome, he would be heard, notwithstanding his previous contumacy, and his Holiness would be obliged to give him long delays:—this is true and reasonable, but, on the other hand, there is a point which the King well knows, and which counterbalances nearly everything else, as the King knows. It is this: if he appears and demands such things, he must first obey the brief. On this hangs the key of the whole matter.

To increase the Queen's suspicion that the sudden promotion of the archbishop of Canterbury was for the purpose of attempting something against her, she has recently been informed that the King boasted more than twice that, if the Pope did not grant what he sent Dr. Bonart to ask, who is going tomorrow, he would have his case tried directly the bulls arrived here. She has also heard that four days ago one of the King's chief councillors had assembled several doctors, both clerical and lay, and had proposed to them, on behalf of the King, that the opinion of all theologians was that if the first marriage was consummated, the second was null; and that to prove the consummation, besides the presumption the King had found an instrument, which he showed them, containing an assertion thereof by the King Catholic and the King's father. Having seen this, the whole company said that it only remained for the King to proceed to his purpose by the authority of the archbishop of Canterbury. Since the Queen heard of this, and of the King's joy since the Nuncio has begun to treat of the proposal already mentioned, she has been in the greatest perplexity, and yesterday sent me three messengers one after another, and today two, to urge me to send off the present courier, and write about these matters, as she could not do so herself in consequence of the perturbation of her spirits. The remedy would be for the Pope to defer the expedition of the bulls till the sentence is given or nearly given. I think pretext enough may be found to do this, or an express condition can be put in the bulls, or the form of oath which he has to take, not to hinder the affair. I have spoken to the Nuncio, who says he has previously informed the Pope, and has just done so again. If the Pope knew the report that was current here about the new Archbishop being a Lutheran, he would not be too hasty to admit and confirm him. I hear that he has taken into his service two priests who have several times preached against the Queen, in recompense of the certain danger they were in of being burnt, if it had not been for the lady's father.

15 Feb 1533. Vienna Archives. 160. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

The day my man left to go to your Majesty, the King, with a show of great confidence and friendship, sent to summon the Nuncio, desiring him, as he had been present at the assembly of the prelates and grand masters of the realm (the House of Peers), to do the same at the place of the knights and deputies of the Commons, where there would also be the ambassadors of France, viz., Montpesat, who left two days ago, laden with presents from the King, and Tinteville, his successor, who had just arrived. The Nuncio had no mind to comply, fearing some artifice to treat in his presence something prejudicial to the authority of the Holy See, as they have done before; but that letters came from his Holiness, commanding him to try if any means could be used for bringing the King to study the general good of Christendom; and as this gave him occasion to go to Court, he could not well excuse himself from visiting the said assembly, especially as the duke of Norfolk assured him that nothing should be said in his presence which in anyway affected the Pope. He accordingly went on this condition. They were discussing a measure against thieves, that they should not enjoy the immunity of the Church, except in a certain place. He stayed a very short time in the said assembly, in which the said ambassadors soon afterwards arrived, who, with the Nuncio, Norfolk, and others of the Council, were banqueted sumptuously at the lodging of treasurer Fitzwilliam. After dinner the Nuncio, hoping to have audience of the King, was put off till next day, in order that the new French ambassador might be heard, and also that the Nuncio might be seen more frequently in Court, for the same purpose that he was called to the said assembly,—which was, as the Duke frankly confessed to him, that all the world might see the great friendship and good understanding they had with his Holiness. By this presumption, as I lately wrote to your Majesty, they expect to make their profit as regards the people and the prelates, who have hitherto supported the authority of the Holy See, both in the Queen's matter and in everything else; who now, for the above reason, fearing to go against the Pope, dare not utter a syllable, as I am told by the bishop of Rochester, unless the Nuncio encourage them again, as he has promised to do, and which it is very necessary to do to take away the said presumption.

07 Mar 1533. 7 March. Add. MS. 28,585, f. 229. B. M. 208. Mai to Cobos.

"Memorial de lo que pase con los Cardenales Franceses."

Visited the card. of Agramont (Grammont), who has been ill, and the cardinal of Tornon, who lodged near him. Was told by them that they were surprised to hear so much about war, and also at what was now newly published, that the kings of France and England would meet again (que se habian de ver otra vez los Reyes, &c.), for this was the greatest lie in the world. The Emperor should only believe what his Ambassador wrote. Assured them that the Emperor did not believe this, as he considered the French king as his good brother and ally, but there was cause for suspicion, which they could remedy. Referred to his former negotiation with the duke of Albany.

The Cardinals complained of their not having access to the Emperor, while his Ambassadors in France were always well treated. They complained also of Imperial influence in the election of Cardinals, and that the cardinal of Siguenca had said to them that the Emperor would not regard their wishes. They said they spoke in the matter of the Auditor of the Chamber, because they had orders from their King to treat the affairs of the king of England as his own.

Said they might have had a more honorable commission than that, supposing they meant the divorce. They replied they said nothing about that, and Francis did not wish to meddle in it, except that justice might be done; —that he had already endeavored to dissuade Henry, and would still dissuade him as far as possible, from marrying the Lady (age 32), which it is to be feared he will do in fact. Does not believe them.

Endd.: Al Comendador Mayor—de Micer Mai, vij. Março de 1533. Sp., pp. 6. Modern copy.

08 Mar 1533. Vienna Archives. 212. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

I wrote on the 23rd ult. On the 24th I received your Majesty's letters of the 28th Jan. The same day Langez arrived from France, and a French gentleman named Beauvoix from Scotland, who have been, as usual, well received, and dined at the King's table with the other Ambassador the day after their arrival, which was Shrove Tuesday, when the Lady (age 32) took the place usually occupied by the Queen; and there were present the duke of Norfolk (age 60) and other great masters, except Suffolk, although he had been expressly called to come with the order of France. The said Langez and Beauvoix were here but four days, and were every day in Court and in communication with the King and Council, "mays non poinct fort griemant;" and it seems that their hasty despatch was either because Langez could not arrange anything important, or to hasten the settlement of their dispute with Scotland. I think one of the chief objects of Langez's coming has been to take resolution with those here about the Council, which both parties desire to prevent. I am led to think this, because, in talking with Langez, he suddenly said to me that your Majesty had obtained your desire, viz., the said Council, and that the Pope had no mind to refuse you anything since he had been punished by your Majesty by imprisonment and otherwise. And on my declaring to him the displeasure you had felt at his Holiness's imprisonment, and his sudden deliverance as soon as you were informed of it, he intimated that a ransom had been paid for the said deliverance, although it was more honorable and gracious than his Holiness deserved. This I could not allow to pass after declaring the respect you had always felt for his Holiness, and showed that the Pope had done more for his master than for your Majesty, pointing out also the necessity of the said Council, which the Pope must have promoted without being asked. On this Langez retracted what he had said. He told me his master had written to the Pope that a Council was reasonable and necessary, but that two conditions ought to be observed: first, that it must be in a suitable place where all could attend, and if it were held in Italy he should have the right of bringing as many forces as you had brought; and (2) that it should treat of nothing but what concerned the Faith, and enter into no particular quarrels. He did not enter fully into the said conditions, for Brian had just come for him and the other Ambassadors to conduct them to Court, taking no particular pleasure in my conversation with him. Suggests reasons for these conditions; among others, the fear they have lest it should be proposed to restore to the Empire the temporalities now held by the Pope, doubting that your Majesty would grow too great thereby.

Langez proceeded to justify the course he had taken at Paris about the divorce, saying he had not done any bad turn there, as people thought, and that he no more desired the divorce than I did. And he said that last year, when he was in Germany, he had found certain of your ministers very little inclined to the preservation of peace with his master; for that they said that his master had promoted the coming of the Turks. Further, in the course of conversation he said that you had used certain words at an assembly at Ratisbon not honorable to the King his master, stating that when he had been asked for succour against the Turk he had replied that he would not hazard his people.

In consequence of their hurry to go to Court, I had no leisure to treat with the gentleman who returned from Scotland. Conversation with Langez on the peace there, who professed ignorance of what this gentleman has done. Asked Norfolk, but could get no information. He told me that Langez had talked to the King and his Council, as he had done to me, but did not say much, as Suffolk and Wiltshire (age 56) were standing by while he had to go to the King, who had sent for him already three times. I hope I shall find out some of the particulars of Langez's charge. As to the other, I have learned that since the Scotch king received the Order (of the Golden Fleece) from your Majesty, the Scots are no longer inclined to France, and have proceeded so far as to beat down the arms of France, and put up the Imperial arms in their room. On being informed of this, the French king had sent him to James, explaining that he had not put off giving his daughter in marriage to him. To which the Scotch king made a gracious and prudent answer, expressive of his affection for France; and as to the reception of the Order, he had merely acted in conformity [with your liberality], of which he could not repent; and he spoke much in praise of you.

11 Mar 1533. R. O. 228. Cromwell's Accounts. A "declaration" of receipts and payments by my master, Thomas Cromwell, to the King's use, from 22 Nov. 24 Henry VIII. to 11 March following:—

i. Receipts.—From "suppressed lands." of John Tyrrell, for Dame Elyns, belonging to Christchurch, London, 30s. William Bretton, farmer of Wykes, £4 6s. 7d. William Werley, for the spiritualities of the late monastery of Sandewall, £4 10s. Ant. Cave, receiver of the late priory of Tykford, £40 Dr. Bentley, for the parsonage of Tottenham, belonging to Christchurch, £9 10s. William Laurence, for priory of St. Peter's, Ipswich, £20 Francis Harryson, for parsonage of Alveley, belonging to mon. of Lyses, £5 John Purdon, receiver of Walyngforde, £44 16s. 7½d. Anne Knyght, executrix of John Knight, receiver of Ramston, £32 The prioress of Halliwell, for tithe in Donton, belonging to mon. of Wallingford, 46s. 8d. John Hall, receiver of Horkesley, £6 13s. 4d. Mr. Saynte Jermyn, for parsonage of Maryborne, belonging to Blakemore, 13s. 4d. William Laurence, out of the box of Our Lady of Ipswich, £24; and for pensions of Romberow, £18 9s. William Cavendysshe, for lands of Christchurch, £42 13s. 4d. Alice Pemsey, for lands of Lesynge, 46s. 8d. William Laurence, on determination of his account, £4 17s. ½d. Richard Stretie, for goods of Calwyche, £30 William Cavendysshe, for farm of Walcomstowe and parsonage of Bexley, belonging to Christchurch, £11 14s. 5d. Simon Momfort, for late mon. of Canwell, £6 13s. 4d. Duke of Norfolk, for parsonages of Felixstowe and Walton, belonging to late Cardinal's College, Ipswich, £13 6s. 8d.

For restitution of temporalities.—Abbot of Holme, £50 Prior of Huntingdon, £25 Minister of St. Robert nigh Knaresborough, £10 Abbot of Walden, £50

Money due by obligations from Dr. Blyth, executor to the Bishop of Chester, £100 The Duke of Norfolk, 200 marks. The aBishop of York, £200 Peter Lygham, clk., £66 13s. 4d. ABishop of Develyn, £200 Sir Thomas Seymor, 500 marks. Bishop of Hereford, £200 Bishop of Bath, £133 6s. 8d.

Of Martin Bowes, goldsmith, for crown gold molten out of chains, at 41s. 4d. per oz. of Rob. Draper and John Halalie of the Jewel-house.

Vacations of Bishoprics.—Of Richard Strete, for Bishopric of Chester, £612 18s. 1d. ½ q. Executors of the late aBishop of Canterbury, £1,000; and for "a mounte," £100 of the Monk Bailie of Westminster, for the abbot's portion, £666 13s. 4d.

Farms.—Prior of Shene, for parcel of the manor of Lewsham, £3 Edward Shelley, for manor of Fyndon, £16 0s. 2d. William Cavendisshe, for part revenues of Honesdon, 29s. 9d.

Money granted by last Convocation.—Of the executors of the late aBishop of Canterbury, for the first fifth, £242 2s. 3½d.

John Judd, for revenues of the Hamper, £300

Money received out of the King's coffers of Thomas Alverd, and from the Tower of London.

Loans repaid by Edm. Pekham and James Moryce, the Duke of Richmond's receiver.

Revenues of Rice Griffith's lands in Emelyn, Abermerles, and Perottes lands, of Thomas Johns; of the manor of Newton, from Sir William Thomas; and for a balinger of the said Griffith of Richard Tanner.

Total receipts, 20,£567 6s. 3½d. ½ q. Whereof—

ii. Payments.—To John Whalley, for the King's works at the Tower, £831 0s. 9d. To Benedict, the King's tomb-maker, £38 9s. 9d. To Averey, yeoman of the crossbows, for livery coats. To Thomas Warde, harberger, for reward, £20 To Steph. Vaughan, £46 13s. 4d. Dr. Lee, for his diets in Denmark, £60 To the post of Denmark, £11 13s. 4d. Mons. Beauvays, the French ambassador, £23 6s. 8d. My Lord of Rocheford (age 30), £106 13s. 4d. Dr. Benett, by Ant. Bonvice, 1,000 marks. Sir George Lawson and others, to convey the King's money to the North, 13,£584 9s. 4d. Paper and ink, 14s. 4d. Money paid to the King's coffers, [for the aBishop of Canterbury's] vacation and mounte, 1,£100 Silks and velvets bought of Richard Gresham and William Bo[try]. Carriage of copes and other stuff, late of Christchurch. Delivered to the Earl of Rutland (age 41), £200; and to [the executors of the] aBishop of Canterbury, £1,000

Payments to Ant. [Bo]nvice for Philip Wylde. To Martin Bowes. To Cavendish, for costs at Christchurch. For my master's fee for the receipt of extraordinary receipts, £150 To Mary Henyngam, late prioress of Wikes, £5 To Richard Riche, for the purchase of lands of Thomas Roberts, nigh Copthall, £220 To Thomas Alverd, for the King's works at Westminster, £2,000

Total payments, 21,£240 12s. "And so in superplusage, £673 5s. 8d. ½ q. Ayenste the whiche—

"Received of Thomas Alverd, 4,£000 Whereof—"

[Delivered to] Fowler, for [works] at Calais, 4,£000 Paid to Draper and Halalie, 18 March, £15 To the landgrave of Hesse's servants, £9 6s. 8d. To Roger Elys, clk., £40 To Sir George Lawson, 1,£000 To John Freman, for plate given to Mons. Momepesarte, £173 2s. 11½d. To Dr. Lee, for the rest of his diets, £32 To the king of Denmark's ambassador, £23 6s. 8d. To Mr. Speaker of the Parliament, £50 To Benedict, £7 9s. To the King's coffers, 1,£000 To the duke of Bever's (Bavaria's) servant, £23 6s. 8d.

Grand total of payments, 27,£614 3s. 11½d.

Large paper, pp. 5. Mutilated.

11 Mar 1533. R. O. St. P. VII. 427. 230. We think it right to advertise Francis of the affairs of the Scotch, which are to be explained to him by Rochford and Wallop, that on the requisition of his ambassador De Beauvois, who begged of us on his return from Scotland to abstain from invasion, notwithstanding the injuries we have received from them, we did, at his request, command our subjects to make no manner of invasion there.

Nevertheless, the earl of Murray and other Scotch earls are prepared, to the number of 6,000, to invade our country, and certain Scotchmen have carried off prisoners and cattle. He will not, therefore, be surprised if we refuse to put up with this injury, and treat them as they have deserved. As this marriage (the King's) cannot be long unknown, and certainly not beyond Easter, the King would rather it were made public by himself than by any one else, and he would feel highly displeased if it were known at Rome or elsewhere before the time when he thinks fit to declare it. And then he will be obliged to Francis if he will order his Ambassadors at Rome to join with the King's in persuading the Pope and the Cardinals to be satisfied with what is done, and not attempt to contravene it; or, in case the Pope should attempt it, will be glad if Francis will gain over as many Cardinals as he can for the King's support. The Ambassador is to tell the Grand Master and the Admiral that the King has great confidence in them, and appoints them protectors of his cause in the Court of France, and he is to deliver them the letters herewith sent. Also, they shall make what interest they can for him there. They shall assure Francis that there is no prince or personage on whose support and comfort he relies so much, and that his kind words and promises are a great consolation to Henry, especially as he vows never to abandon the King in this cause, but aid and maintain him in his succession, declaring that he will hold all that trouble him or condemn his proceedings, whether it be Pope or Emperor, as his adversary. The King will study to recompense him, and desire nothing but what shall be agreeable to him. He will always be glad to hear from him. Signed at the head. French.

R. O. St. P. VII. 435. 2. Copy of a letter enclosed in the preceding, which Henry proposed should be written by Francis I. to the Pope, urging the King's divorce on account of the scruples which he entertains in consequence of his pretended marriage with Catharine. Francis is to say that he has written several times that his cause is agreeable to the Divine law, and can be no longer delayed. Francis wishes it to be determined in the way that Henry suggests, which he considers so just and reasonable that, if the Pope refuses to comply, he will show himself very ungrateful for the respect which the King has always shown to his person and to the See Apostolic. Though he cannot doubt that his Holiness will obey the request of two such princes, if he suffers himself to be diverted by the influence of other persons, it may happen that they will be obliged to have recourse to other ways and means, which would not be quite agreeable to the Pope.

Apostiled in the margin in Wriothesley's hand, evidently at the King's dictation.

Headed: Copie of the letter to be sent to the Pope.

15 Mar 1533. 235. I received the day before yesterday your letters of the 3rd inst., and took occasion to go to court, to learn not only about the affairs of Scotland, and of the German, of whom I last wrote to your Majesty, and also of the charge of lord Rochford (age 30), who left here in post two days ago to visit the king of France, with the intention, as some say, to get him to take in hand the affairs of Scotland, with which they are already marvellously troubled; for there is no lord or other who would willingly go in the said enterprise; and the earl of Wiltshire has today confessed to me that the King, his master, would be glad of. peace if he was asked for it, because the other is his nephew, and moreover that it was a costly war, very injurious to the English, from which no good could be expected, and further that the Scots had taken seven or eight of their gentlemen. He would name no more, but the common report is that there were about 25, all men of some mark. Among other reasons for believing that Rochford was despatched for this cause is that two days before his departure the King held a great council, to which were summoned the brother of the earl Douglas and another captain, who had just returned from the Borders. Others think that he has gone to know if the King would like to come here as he promised at Boulogne; and they build upon the rumors current both at Boulogne and here as soon as the King returned, and the orders issued by the King to put his parks in order, revoking all licenses that he had given to hunt,—a sign that he means to give this pastime at the meeting. To ascertain the truth, I have had today some conversation with the King about the French king's journey to Compiegne, which was in order to approach near here; but he would not enter on the subject, only saying it was an ordinary removal of the King for his amusement. I then began to extol the last meeting at Calais, and the causes which had taken him there; but, for all that, he would not speak of the second. Notwithstanding, it escaped him that the said assembly has been formed chiefly to feast together, and to testify their mutual amity. I think he said this to me because I had told him I had seen the treaty, which was very clumsily forged in the said assembly, and that it did not deserve to have the reputation of having caused that assembly. At last I said to him that they had had such great pleasure and pastime together that they might some day repeat it. He told me it might be so, and that the confidence between himself and the French king was so great that they could visit each other without any ceremony. But he spoke in such a frigid way that I do not think their affairs have gone quite so far, though I think he would vastly desire the said coming of the king of France, especially as he wishes to accomplish his marriage.

15 Mar 1533. 235. I was with him two hours this morning, walking and talking in his garden. To tell you all that passed would be great fatigue to you. I omit, therefore, the less important details. I spoke to him of the league of Italy, and hoped he would take the news in good part, as he had always been a mediator in Christendom. He did not show any gratification at it; and after thinking awhile, he told me it was not general, and that neither the Venetians nor the duke of Ferrara were included in it. I said I would not insist on the contrary, but on a matter which I thought would be more agreeable to him, viz., the departure of your Majesty from Bologna. At which he was pleased, and asked me, more than four times, the reasons of your going into Spain. He said that your long stay with the Pope, and the great humility you had shown to him, had much irritated Germany, which you had left in great disorder, and the world was astonished at it;—that you had left without coming to any resolution. When I justified your conduct, I asked him what more you could have done for the affairs of Germany than you had done. He said he was not wise enough to give you advice; and when I told him he was fully informed of affairs in that quarter, from the time that there was an intention of creating the king of the Romans, which I put forward in order to set him bragging, and push him to say more, he told me that without him your Majesty would never have been Emperor; saying that Germany was very much discontented that you had promised a General Council, and there was no appearance of it, and the Pope would never consent to it, whatever brief he may have written. When I told him of the conversation I had had with Langez of his master's willingness to summon a Council, he laughed to himself, and said that things were not yet ready; and that the Pope, seeing the ugly bastinadoeing he would be sure to incur, would keep himself from any such Council. On this he began to speak of the wrong you had done him in his great affair, repeating to me the same things over and ever again; to which I replied pertinently and gently, without losing temper, showing him that the Queen, his people, and almost all the world, blamed you very much, for that, being twice with the Pope, you had not finished this cursed affair. He replied that if you had used such language to any great personage (meaning the Pope), he would have told you that neither you nor the Queen had any right to complain of the delay, for whenever sentence was pronounced the Queen must be condemned. Then I told him he did ill in not allowing the said sentence to be delivered, since he was so certain of gaining it; and that you desired, as reason and justice required, that this should have been done long ago; and, if such had been the case, that your Majesty, I thought, would have been very anxious to withdraw the Queen your aunt, and place her with the Empress, and would have been very glad to have had so virtuous and pious a lady with her. I gave him this tag (atache), knowing that one of the great fears he has is that if he make this marriage the Queen will retire into Spain; and I added, beside that, it would be a marvellous good thing for you and your countries, for if it happened that you returned into Germany or Italy for the Council, you might take the Empress with you, leaving as gouvernante the Queen, who was so much beloved that she was absolutely adored; and that I was informed by very good authorities that if your Majesty required any good assistance for the affairs of the Queen, that all Spain would put at your disposal their wives and their children. I thought right to tell him this, seeing the danger, and as a rebuff to what he had said on another occasion, that Spain did not care for this matter. These remarks set him thinking.

15 Mar 1533. 235. He then turned to discuss his own affair, saying that the Spanish prelates who had written to the Pope in favor of the Queen had not shown any great regard for their honor, for they had contradicted the constitution made at the synod of Toledo five years ago, which they ought to have maintained; and that if the Pope would not remit the cause here he would do him the greatest wrong in the world, for which he would find a remedy; and it was a greater wrong in not admitting his excusator, not only to himself, but also to you and all Christian princes, who would be compelled to appear personally at the discretion of the Pope; and that he would like to see the said excusator removed by interlocutory, for then there would be a fine to-do with the king of France and himself, who would make their solemn protestations against the Pope, to tie his hands and prevent him attempting anything against them,—I do not know whether he meant in this affair only, or in all others also. I showed him several strong arguments why the process should not be treated here, which would occasion doubts in future, sooner than if it were despatched at Rome; but all to no purpose. He remained as obstinate as ever, saying he knew well what he had to do, and that he did not think that on his doing what he knew he could do quite well, you would break the treaties last made with him, which his good brother and he would observe inviolably, and defend themselves against any one who attacked them. I said he might rest assured that your Majesty had no more thought of making war against him than Lycurgus had of punishing parricides, holding it impossible that he could give your Majesty any occasion. To which he replied that occasions sometimes presented themselves to the minds of those who wished to break treaties, and that he thought that nothing could justify a rupture, except the causes expressed in the treaty. Perceiving that he wished to insinuate that his marriage would not be a sufficient cause, I told him that there were several causes and considerations comprised in most treaties, as, not to do anything against reason or justice, and to the dishonor or injury of the party. He answered that if that was the case he had good occasion to complain of your Majesty for having procured what you had done against him, meaning the last brief; and that your Majesty not only solicited, as I alleged, that justice should be done, but wanted everything to be done according to your own appetite. This I would not allow to pass, and I got him to soften these expressions, using, however, all courtesy.

31 Mar 1533. Vienna Archives. 296. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

As I wrote before, the King was only waiting for the bulls of the archbishopric of Canterbury, in order to proceed to the decision of his marriage; which having arrived within these five days, to the great regret of everybody, the King was extremely urgent with the synod here for the determination of his said affair, "tenant Passistance se de que," so that those present could scarcely eat or drink, and using such terms to them that no one dared open his mouth to contradict, except the good bishop of Rochester. But his single voice cannot avail against the majority, so that the Queen and he now consider her cause desperate. It is expected that the new marriage will be solemnised before Easter or immediately after, for all the necessary preparations are already in order, the royal estate of the lady is already made, and nothing remains but to publish it. Everybody cries out "au murdre" against the Pope for the delay he has used in this affair, and also because he has not delayed the despatch of the said bulls until after the definitive sentence, because he was warned of the great danger of granting them; and there is not a lord in this court, either on the King's side or the Queen's, who does not say publicly that his Holiness will betray your Majesty. But the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk speak of it with more assurance, saying they know it well, and could give good evidence of it; though I believe their words proceed rather from hatred than from truth. His Holiness will be among the first to repent this, for he will lose his authority here, which will be not a little scandal to Christendom, and prejudice to the Queen. For among other things contained in the libel exhibited in Parliament against the Pope's authority, it is expressed that no one shall appeal from here to Rome on any matter, temporal or spiritual, on pain of confiscation of body and goods as a rebel; and that this statute is to be valid not only for the future but even for processes already commenced, which clause directly applies to the Queen; and I have been informed, though I cannot believe it, that if the Queen persist in her appeal the King will deprive her of her dowry (dot et douaire).

10 Apr 1533. Vienna Archives. 324. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

Notwithstanding the remonstrances heretofore made by the Estates of the danger to which the King exposes himself and the kingdom, they have done the very contrary as much as they could, and there was no remedy that the King by his absolute will should not have constrained them to conclude and pass what he had put forward against the Pope's authority, viz., to declare that all processes, even in the case of marriage, ought to be settled in this kingdom, without recourse to the Pope, under pain of high treason; and that if any one in such a case bring in excommunication into this kingdom, he shall be considered as a traitor, and without any further process be sent to an ignominious death. This is only aimed at the Queen; which some of the Parliament seeing, one of whom sat for the city of London, who had formerly been in Spain, and is my very good friend, they proposed that if the King would agree to remit the decision of the affair of the Queen and of the Pope to a General Council, they would provide among the people 200,000l. But there is no chance that the King will listen that the affair be determined otherwise than by the Archbishop, of whom he is perfectly assured, as he has performed the office of espousal (de l'esposement), as I have formerly written to you; and he is fully resolved, as he has told many, and those of his Council publish, that immediately after Easter he will solemnize his marriage and the coronation of the Lady. The better to prepare the way, he sent yesterday the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the marquis and the earl of Ausburg (?) to the Queen, to tell her that she must not trouble herself any more, nor attempt to return to him, seeing that he is married, and that henceforth she abstain from the title of Queen, and assume the title of duchess (princess), leaving her the entire enjoyment of the goods she formerly had, and offering her more, if she needed more. The Queen would not fail to advertise me of the interview. I know not whether they are in any doubt as to the Queen's willingness to dislodge or not; but about eight days ago, the King's council commanded my lord Mountjoy to rejoin her with all diligence, and keep watch upon her, and not leave her.

10 Apr 1533. 324. Excuse me if I speak of things concerning your service; but I think it can hardly displease you to make an enterprise against this kingdom, considering the enormous injury done to your aunt; for when this cursed Anne (age 32) has her foot in the stirrup, you may be sure she will do the Queen all the injury she can, and the Princess likewise,—of which the Queen is most afraid. The said Anne has boasted that she will have the said Princess for her lady's maid (demoiselle); but that is only to make her eat humble pie (manger trop), or to marry her to some varlet, which would be an irreparable injury. And the enterprise would be more justifiable to obviate the scandal which will arise from this divorce, and likewise to prevent the kingdom from alienating itself entirely from our Holy Faith and becoming Lutheran; which will shortly come to pass without any remedy, as the King shows them the way, and lends them wings to do it; and the archbishop of Canterbury does still worse. The attempt would be easy; for they have no horse, nor men to lead them, nor have they the heart of the people, which is entirely in favor of you, the Queen, and the good Princess,—I may say not of the mean, but of the higher classes, except Norfolk and two or three others. It will be right that the Pope should call in the secular arm; and meanwhile, in support of the censures already executed, you might forbid negotiations in Spain and Flanders, and so induce the people to rise against the authors of this cursed marriage; and now and then, in order to animate them, it would be right to take up ships, and secretly support the Scots with money, and prevent them treating with this nation for peace. The chief difficulty is that the Most Christian King might do something new against your coasts; which I can hardly believe, seeing how just your quarrel is. For when the King here asked Monpesat whether his master would assist him in such a case, he said he did not know, as it was not expressed in their treaties. And if the Most Christian King wished to do mischief, seeing that the enterprise of this kingdom would be of so short duration, and doubting whether he could do anything of consequence, he would wait the issue; and if this King, who is the right hand of the other, was punished, it would abate his pride. Moreover, as he can do nothing without the Swiss, if they were advertised of the enormity of the case, they would not assist him against your Majesty, especially if you gave them a good pot of wine.

15 Apr 1533. 351. Then, entering on the principal topic, I told him that, notwithstanding that it was many days since I had heard some rumor of what was going on in Convocation, as also in Parliament, in prejudice of the Queen, her right and justice; yet I had not been willing to take notice of it, because I could not believe that so virtuous, wise, and Catholic a prince would consent to such things, and because I know that such practices could not derogate from the Queen's right. Now, however, as I have been lately advertised by several persons of these practices, I had thought that I could not acquit myself towards God or your Majesty, or himself, without making the necessary remonstrances, which I begged he would take in good part; and since he had no regard for men, all of whom he despised, that he would have respect to God. He told me that he did so, and that God and his conscience were on very good terms. After he had thus disgorged himself, in order to bring him back graciously, I told him that he showed he took us for servants and friends, speaking to us so familiarly, words which I thought proceeded from his mouth and not from his heart. He told me that he had spoken without dissimulation. On this I proceeded to say that I could not believe he wished to give such an example, seeing how Christendom was already troubled by so many heresies, or to break the treaties he had done so much to promote. I told him I had never heard of so strange a case of one leaving his wife after 25 years. He was very glad, not knowing what to answer to the rest, to take hold of this last point, saying it was not so long a time; and that if the world thought this divorce very extraordinary, still more the world found it strange that the Pope should have dispensed in it without having the power to do so. I referred him to five Popes who had dispensed in such a case, and that I had no wish to dispute the matter with him; but there was not a doctor in his kingdom, if it came to the point, that would not confess the truth. And proceeding to speak of the solicitation that had been made to obtain the seal of the university of Paris, on which he rested much, I desired to show him the letters and the names of those who had held the Queen's side; and he said he did not want to see them. I also told him that neither in Spain, Naples, nor elsewhere, could any prelates or doctors be found that were not on the Queen's side; and that even in his own kingdom there were some of the same opinion, unless they had been gained. And here I offered to show him letters, which he refused to see. To divert the conversation, he said that he wished to have a successor to his kingdom; and when I said to him that he had a daughter endowed with all imaginable goodness and virtue, and of an age to bear children, and that as he had received the principal title to his realm by the female line, nature seemed to oblige him to restore it to the Princess, he replied that he knew better than his daughter, and that he wished to have children. And when I said to him he was not sure of having them, he asked me three times if he was not a man like other men (si nestoit point home comme les autres), adding that I had no reason to affirm the contrary, seeing I was not privy to all his secrets; leaving me clearly to understand that his beloved lady was enceinte.

We then proceeded to discuss the point whether the Queen was known to prince Arthur; but with these arguments I need not trouble you. But when I urged that he had oftentimes confessed that the Queen was a virgin, and he could not deny it, he admitted it, saying it was spoken in jest, as a man, jesting and feasting, says many things which are not true. And when he had said this, as if he had won a very great victory, or discovered some great subtlety for gaining his purpose, he began to crow, telling me, "Now have I paid you off? What more would you have?" But his payment was not in current coin, and served me more than he thought, to defeat some words of the ambassador of that prince who most desires his honor and profit and the tranquillity of his kingdoms... I told him I wished to bring with me the said Hédin, who was and was reputed to be his servant, as were all those belonging to your Majesty; and I protested that whatever might be there said, I did not intend to write a word of it, except as he pleased, in order that hereafter the said Hédin might not contradict me. I made these observations in order to put him at his ease, and make him open his budget; and to confirm him the more, I said that heretofore I had considered myself very happy, that I had been sent to such a prince as he was, hoping that when the affairs had been studied by his council, he would redress them without difficulty. But as matters went now, I must consider myself unhappy that such a disorder had arisen, and that I had always assured you that, whatever face he might carry, his heart was sound, and he would maintain good relations with you. On hearing this, without having patience to listen further, and being marvellously desirous, as it appeared, to find some means of not entering on the matter, wrinkling his forehead and changing his look, he commenced saying, very brusquely, that all such remonstrances were useless, and he wished primarily to understand whether I had any charge from you to do this, for if I spoke of myself it would be another thing. I replied that it was evidently superfluous (chose trop excusee) to ask me if I had a commission from you to speak of matters that had arisen within eight days, and of which you could not have had notice within a month, and asked if he must receive more than four pairs of letters before he would give me credit, when my general commission was by all lawful means to assist in preserving the amity between you, and I had special charge in the Queen's matter, which was no small part of the said amity. Then he said that your Majesty had no right to interfere with his laws, and, whatever might be said of them, he would pass such laws in his kingdom as he liked,—with more to the same purpose. I told him that your Majesty did not wish to stop him from so doing, and that, in case of necessity, you would assist him; and that I did not intend to speak of his laws, except so far as they concerned the Queen, whom he wished to compel to renounce her appeal, and leave her case to be decided by his subjects, who, through promises or threats, or from pure fear, seeing how very ill he had acted towards many who had ventured to oppose him, would only determine according to his fancy. And hereupon I repeated what I had often said before, that if the affair was determined here, it would not hereafter remove the doubt of the succession; and if he would consider how unreasonable it was and unjust to have the case tried here, seeing he had already submitted it to the See Apostolic and obtained a commission for Campeggio and York, and had expressly agreed to the Queen's appeal to Rome, and afterwards, not content therewith, had solicited the Queen to have the cause tried out of Rome, but not in this country, as it was unreasonable, but in some neutral place, the Queen could not be constrained to any pretended constitution, whereto scarcely anyone had consented except by force. Hereupon, half in a fury, he told me there was no use in persuasion or remonstrance, and that if he had known that I was to speak of nothing else, he would have excused himself from giving me audience, searching, as before, to break off the argument and escape the conversation. On my repeating the intention for which I had come thither, and that it was his duty to hear not only your ambassador, but the least man in the world, and softly putting before him the constant kindness you had always shown to his ambassadors, he was constrained to stay, and proceeded to reply that as for the Cardinal's commission, it had been granted on the promise of the Pope, who had assured him he would never revoke the cause from here; but that now he would have nothing to do with any papal commission; and as to the offer that the affair should be decided in a neutral place, he would not consent, for he would have it decided here; that his consent to the Queen's appeal was only on condition that it could be done by the laws and privileges of this kingdom; that the statute of prohibition had been passed by Parliament, which the Queen, as a subject, was compelled to obey. On this I said that laws were prospective and not retrospective; and that as to the Queen, it was true that in being his wife she was a subject, and, presupposing this, there was no question at all as to the constitutions or appeals; but if he did not consider her as his wife, she could not be regarded as a subject, for she only resided here in virtue of her marriage, and if he disavowed her she would not remain his subject, and might claim her right of being conveyed to Spain, which could not be until the affair was decided before him to whom he had first recourse. On his replying that he had not made her come, but Prince Arthur with whom she had consummated the marriage, I replied that although he had not asked her to come, he had prevented her from returning after the death of prince Arthur, when the King Catholic sent to ask for her by Hernand duke d'Estrada, as I showed him by letters, which he refused to read, saying again that she must have patience and obey the laws; and that your Majesty, in recompence of the many favors he had done to you, had done him the greatest and most grievous injury, in having kept him so long from marrying and propagating the line of his succession; that the Queen was no more his wife than she was mine; that he would treat her as he intended, in spite of any one who might growl at it; and that if you, for your pleasure or fancy, gave him any trouble, he would defend himself with the help of his friends. When I showed him that the marriage had been solemnised by his father and the King Catholic, the two wisest princes in the world, who would never have consented if there had been any scruple in reference to prince Arthur, on which he laid so much stress, he said he would do as he liked, without caring for anything, and that your Majesty had shown him the way of not always obeying the Pope, by the appeal you had made four years ago to a future council. On this I told him that he would act like a good Catholic to follow the same path and appeal to the Council; and since he alleged your example, I wished him to notice that you had shown great respect for the excommunication, for that in Holy Week you had abstained from attending at mass. At these words he showed himself very much nettled, fearing, as I think, lest I should say to him that he did wrong in not obeying the excommunication and interdict already published against him; and drawing himself up a little, he said that I stung him. I begged of him to know in what, and that I would not for anything in the world have thought of so doing. Hereon he became a little more gracious, but though I pressed him much he would not tell me in what he felt himself stung, nor has he told me since. At the close I asked him, supposing the Spaniards and the Flemings, like good Christians, for fear of the interdict, would not have intercourse with his subjects, whether they would incur the penalty of his laws, and whether any one could blame them? He remained thoughtful and dumbfoundered, not knowing what to say. Hereupon, wishing to take my leave rather than that he should abruptly break off the conversation, I said that as matters were in such a bad state, I would labor no longer nor waste my time. He gave me a gracious adieu, retaining Hédin, only to tell him, as he has reported, "You have heard the Ambassador, who speaks of excommunication and prohibiting intercourse. I give you notice that it is not I but the Emperor who is excommunicated, because he has long opposed me, not allowing me to get out of the sin in which I was, and has put off my marriage; and this is the kind of excommunication which the Pope cannot remit without my consent. But do not tell the Ambassador a word of it." Your Majesty can well imagine his blindness. Hédin only replied that these were matters too high for him, and beyond his digestion (gabiers, i.e. gavier). We then returned without dining there, notwithstanding we were pressed to do so by Wiltshire, who manages in the absence of the Duke.

15 Apr 1533. 351. On Wednesday the duke of Norfolk, and the other Commissioners of whom I lately wrote, declared their charge to the Queen, which was in substance to persuade her to give up her appeal, and be content to have the cause settled here; in doing which she would not only lay the whole kingdom under obligations to her, and prevent the effusion of blood, but the King would treat her better than she could ask. At last, perceiving there was no hope of getting her to comply, they told her they were charged by the King to say that she must not weary herself about it any longer, for he had married the other lady more than two months ago, in presence of several persons, though none of them had been invited to it. Then, after many gracious words and excuses for what they were doing, as only out of obedience to the King's command, they departed. After their departure Lord Mountjoy, the Queen's chamberlain, came to notify her that the King would not allow her henceforth to call herself Queen, and that at the close of one month after Easter he would not defray her expenses, nor the wages of her servants, and he intended that she should retire to some of her own houses and live on a small income, which he had assigned her, which would not suffice for her attendants a quarter of a year. She replied that as long as she lived she would call herself Queen. As to keeping house, she would not commence so late; and if the King felt himself so much aggrieved at the expense of her allowance, she would be satisfied with what she had, and with her confessor, physician, apothecary, and two women, and go wherever he wished. Otherwise, failing of food for herself and her servants, she would go and beg for the love of God. Although the King himself is not ill-natured, it is this Anne (age 32) who has put him in this perverse and wicked temper, and alienates him from his former humanity, and we must believe that she will never cease until she has seen the end of the Queen, as she has done that of the Cardinal, whom she did not hate so much. The Queen has no fears, but is marvellously concerned for the Princess.

27 Apr 1533. Vienna Archives. 391. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

This feast of Easter the prior of the Augustines¹ in his sermon recommended the people expressly to pray for queen Anne (age 32); at which they were astonished and scandalized, and almost every one took his departure with great murmuring and ill looks, without waiting for the rest of the sermon. The King was greatly displeased, and sent word to the Mayor that on dread of his displeasure he should take order that nothing of the kind happened again, and that no one should be so bold as to murmur at his marriage. The Mayor hereupon assembled the trades and their officers of the several halls, and commanded them, on pain of the King's indignation, not to murmur at his marriage, and to prevent their apprentices from so doing, and, what is worse and more difficult, their wives. The King in vain forbids and makes prohibitions, as it only makes the people speak more against it in private, and these prohibitions only serve to envenom the heart of the people. Four days ago the King sent to the Queen to forbid her and her servants from using the title of Queen; and, not content with this harshness, he has forbidden the Princess either to write or send any message to the Queen; and though the Princess begged of him to depute an express messenger who might testify that she sent no message to the Queen except of how she did, or who might first show the King all the letters that passed between them, she could not obtain this. This prohibition was sent to her the same day that the King sent to her to inform her of his new marriage; at which she was a little sad, and then, like a wise woman as she is, she dissembled the matter, showing herself glad; and without saying a single word of the marriage, suddenly after she had dined, without communicating her intentions to any one, she sat down to write a letter to the King; and when those who brought the news were urgent for a verbal answer, according to their commission, she would not say a single word to them, referring them to her letter; at which I hear the King is well satisfied, and praises highly her prudence. Notwithstanding the execution of this project, the King resolved to go on with the process, and the Queen has been cited to appear before the archbishop of Canterbury on the first of next month, at an abbey 30 miles from here. This being a solitary place has been chosen for secrecy, as they fear that if the affair were managed here, the people would not refrain from speaking of it, and perhaps from rioting. The citation at first threw the Queen into great perplexity, not knowing what to do; but after I had given her my advice she did not care for it. There is no danger for the Queen in anything they can do, if she does not renounce her appeal, expressly or tacitly, and by some indirect means, which the King and his ministers are attempting by various methods. To remedy this I have drawn up certain protestations, whereby I hope that the Queen will not fall into the net of their calumnies and malice.

Note 1. George Browne, D.D.

27 Apr 1533. 391. If it had pleased the Pope, since he was not willing to give sentence, to insert in the bulls of the said Archbishop that he was not to have meddled in this affair, it would have removed many inconveniences; but he prefers to allow the English to assert, as they have long done, that his Holiness would at the last deceive you. The principal remedy is to obtain sentence, &c., in which, conformably with justice and his promise, he should find no difficulty. The Queen is afraid, and likewise many others, that, with his accustomed artifice, and to please the French and the English, and yet still keep hold of you, he [the Pope] will delay the definitive sentence (for if it comes to that, it will be in her favor, even if she had not half so strong a case);—at least, if it be true, as many say, that his Holiness only tries to keep the Princes in dissension, knowing that even if he gave sentence in favor of the King, your Majesty would acquiesce in it, and there would be no question of war. The English, as I have already written, will spare no pains to gain the Pope, so as at least, if they can do no better, to make him delay and dissemble the affair; so your Majesty must use extreme diligence and urgency.

I have formerly written to your Majesty that when the sentence is obtained, it would be well to send it here by some honest person, to soften the matter (adoulcir les affaires), and that it might not seem that it was intended to direct the King by blows of the stick; and although such a means be now fruitless "a offert de persuader," still by using such courtesy we shall be doing our best, and shall be better justified before God and the world; and the other provisions would not be delayed by it if your Majesty would give heed to it.

Seeing the bad disposition of affairs here, I have attempted to learn the Queen's intention, in order to find some remedy, since kindness and justice have no place. But she is so scrupulous, and has such great respect for the King, that she would consider herself damned without remission if she took any way tending to war. A little before I wrote to you, that, however much she desired some other remedy, nevertheless she left it to me, but I have not yet been able to come to particulars(?) ("qu'elle s'en rappointoit à moy, et aux particularité ne ouverture ay encoires peu avoir d'icelles.")

Apr 1553. R. O. 416. The Royal Supremacy.

A religious and political rhapsody in defence of the King's authority, on the text Ecclus. XV.:—Si volueris mandata conservare, conservabunt te. In the course of his argument the writer asserts that it was the Pope who endeavoured to set England against the Emperor, offering Henry VIII. a dispensation to "marry with France" and dissolve his previous marriage, which would have created war in Christendom; but God favored the King and his realm, so that "by my lady Anne chancing to enter and fulfil that place so opened" war was avoided. Thus the Popes have been makers of marriages between Kings and Queens only to set one against another, and prevent them meeting in a General Council. Thus the Pope maintains his lordship over all. If a council of Kings were held, the knowledge of Christ might be put into Kings' heads by God's teaching. To teach the King to know his office, "is made an ordinary head seal of the King's head office, wherein is figured the very form of God's law, like as in Heaven to be ministered, likewise in England." Discusses a multitude of figures contained in this head seal, and urges the necessity of a reformation, as the King has given away his lordship to the spiritualty.

Begins: "The wily deep-witted men taught, by the artificial crafts of men's wisdom so deeply sought, how their deep reason might rise so high in this world to overcome all other men's reason which are taught by their scolez (schools); as when unlettered and unlearned men by their scolez show such reason as God put into them (be it never so veylable), if lettered men do not love and favor it by their school teaching, are ever arguing to confound it, willing that no men's reason should be allowed, but only theirs of their sort which would confound all other sorts."

Ends: "And yt subject can hold no land by no riztwisnes of God under the sonne, but it be measured and met by the King's standard rizt of God's law above the sone. The King knoweth not his own rizt of his head office; he hath given his head rizt to his subjects, which by his own lauz hath robbed his kingly image by his sufferance at their wills; hath given it away from him to the spirituality, holden contrary to God's lauz. Here I make an end, for lack of paper."

Pp. 61. In the handwriting of Clement Armestrong.

Apr 1553. R. O. 423. The Staple Of Calais.

"Demands to be made of the King's behalf of the merchants of the Staple."

1. That they shall pay the King the sums due this day upon all obligations according to the days of payment. 2. That they shall pay ½d. more on each woolfell that they shall load hereafter to Calais, and 13s. 4d. more on every sack. 3. That they shall bring in bullion for every sack according to law, and not henceforth make any exchanges without licence.

On these conditions the King is willing to take their house and lands in Calais and the Marches, and to accept the other offers made in their supplication, and to grant them liberty to ship and to continue their company, and to pay for no more wools and fells than they shall ship.

In Cromwell's hand, p. 1.

ii. Memoranda on the back of the preceding:—

"For to remember the judgment to be prepared for in the King's great matter.

Item, for the despatch of my lord of Norfolk (age 80).

Item, the bill for the succession, and to rest upon the same.

Item, for to devise for the coronation, and to see presendementtes for the same.

Item, to devise for lands for the Queen.

Item, for the establishment of the Dowager."

In Cromwell's hand.

07 May 1533. 454. The Pope seems indignant at this (afea este caso). But on pressing him to give sentence, as he must see that moderation was useless, he said that the Emperor could remedy it. Replied that his Holiness was bound to do justice and decide the case, and that the Emperor was wise and powerful, and knew what he ought to do. He wished to know, before he gave sentence, whether the Emperor would interfere (se pornia de hecho en esta cosa). Made the same reply as before, that the Emperor would probably do nothing until the Pope had executed justice. Wishes to know what he ought to say, as the Pope will make no declaration till he knows the Emperor's wishes. Said that as the King had acted so shamelessly in marrying, if he found the same mildness in the Pope as he had done hitherto he would act in the same way in future in all matters touching the Holy See. He has given orders that the principal cause shall be seen to immediately, but I think he will delay till he knows the Emperor's will.

Thinks the Pope, though he seems troubled, is really pleased at this marriage, and his anxiety to know whether the Emperor will go to war with the King is suspicious.

The Nuncio has also written that the Scotch king, fearing continual war with England, has sent a bishop to ask aid from France, but has received no answer as yet. He is vexed at Francis having received the Toison from the Emperor. The Bishop has a commission for the marriage of the King with a French princess; and if that cannot be managed he will go on to Flanders to negotiate with queen Mary for the daughter of the king of Denmark. *

As to the interview, told the Pope that the French king would not perform one of his principal promises, which was to pacify the king of England, as the latter had determined to marry.

He had published his intention of going on 26 May, but now he says the galleys will not be ready for the whole of June. Rome, 7 May 1533.

Sp., pp. 6. Modern copy.

10 May 1533. 465. Notwithstanding the said resolution, in order to discharge my duty as far as possible, and to make the King's obstinacy apparent, I wrote a letter to the King, which I transcribe word for word, viz.:—

"Sire, as I informed you lately, and as you may see whenever you please, the Emperor has given me express power and command, in case it is proposed to treat of the affair of the Queen's marriage, to appeal and protest in his Majesty's name, and present letters apostolic, and do all other things necessary for the preservation of the Queen's right. And as I understand that the archbishop of Canterbury, not having regard to the appeals and inhibitions, of which he cannot pretend ignorance, has caused the said Queen to be cited, I would desire to discharge my commission in accordance with my said power. And this, more on other accounts than for fear of the procedure of the said Archbishop, who in this case could do no prejudice to anyone but himself; yet, for the sake of good repute (pour le debvoer de honnestete), and for the desire I have always had that things should go well, I wished first to notify it to you, desiring you to take it in good part, as may be expected of your prudence and humanity, &c. London, 5 May 1533."

I thought it better to write the said letter than to go and speak to the King, because, having made such a disorder, it did not seem right to frequent the Court, lest the world should suspect your Majesty consented to the affair; and also for other considerations, especially that the answer of the King's intention might be made and given to me in writing for my discharge, and that I might show it to those who take the Queen's part, and publish it among the people as I found necessary. The King received the letter from my man very benignly, and immediately told him that he would send an answer either that day or the next; which he did; and there came to me, on his part, Cromwell, who manages all his affairs, who told me that the King had received my letter, containing several articles,—among others, that I intended to appeal and present letters apostolic to the archbishop in the name of your Majesty; that he thought your Majesty had no cause to meddle in the affair, and that I ought to consider that, though the privilege of ambassadors was great, it did not justify them in violating the rights of the Crown and kingdom; and that the King prayed me to have regard to this, using many gentle and gracious words. And because the matter was of great importance, the King did not limit himself to this answer, but desired me to confer with his Council on the 7th, when a full answer would be given to me.

10 May 1533. 465. On the 7th I was at Westminster at 8 a.m., where were assembled in council the Chancellor, the earls of Wiltshire (age 56) and Essex, lord Rochford (age 30), the Treasurer, the Controller, Cromwell, the two chief judges of England, Drs. Fox and Sampson, and others. The two Dukes were not there, because they had gone home to their houses. On Wiltshire arriving there, he drew from his pouch the letter I had written to the King, asking me the meaning of it, and that I would show the power therein mentioned. To this I replied, that as to showing the power I had no great occasion, for as I was ambassador it was only of use to me for my discharge as against your Majesty, in case I should be accused of having intermeddled too far. Nevertheless, to show that I did not wish to stand on ceremony, I was willing to satisfy the King by producing the said power, and I threw it upon the table; which being read, I declared my said letter summarily, giving them to understand the tenor of the briefs and excommunications. On hearing this, Wiltshire, as one much grieved and astonished, began to say that the said letter appeared a little strange, and that it was of such a quality that if it had been written by any one in the kingdom, however great, his body and goods would be confiscated by virtue of the late statute, of which he desired to notify me by the command of the King, who had besides ordered him to tell me that if I desired to live in peace and do the duty of an ambassador, as I had done till now, the King would treat me most favorably, as much as any ambassador who could come to him from any prince; but if I meant to assume two faces, and exceed the duty of an ambassador, it would be another thing. Therefore, I ought to consider well how I interfered in the matters contained in the said power. On this I said he acted like the eels of Meaux¹, who cry before they are skinned; for as yet I had neither appealed nor presented apostolic letters, nor done anything by my said letter of which they could reasonably complain, even if it had been written by any other than an ambassador. As to the good treatment of the King, of which he spoke, I held myself very well satisfied hitherto, and that he was so virtuous and humane that he could not do otherwise; also he could not, without injuring his reputation. As to the two faces of which he spoke, I did not yet know this art, if he did not teach it to me. By these two faces he meant, to attempt to act as ambassador and as proctor. At last I told him he might lawfully enough excuse himself from speaking of this matter, as being an interested party, and moreover that it was a matter for learned men. At this he knew not what to say, except that he referred himself to others.

Note 1. Thomas Boleyn 1st Earl Wiltshire and Ormonde.

10 May 1533. 465. I then said, if they were so pleased, I would relate to them the discourse of this affair, and my opinion. On their desiring to hear it, I asked if it should be in French or Latin? They thought it would be better in Latin, as they did not all understand French. And I made them a long discourse, beginning with the friendship your Majesty had always borne to the King and realm, and that you had interfered in this affair more for the benefit, honor, and repose of the said King and realm than for any other cause, although your Majesty holds the Queen for your mother, and the Princess for your sister; declaring with what moderation and gentleness you had proceeded in this affair. And because he founds his justification chiefly on the opinion of the universities and of individual doctors, I showed them the practices that had been used in those universities; and how there were a greater number of opinions in favor of the Queen; and how all the prelates of Spain, Naples, and other countries had, without hesitation, decided in her behalf; and how, notwithstanding all the practices and menaces used here, yet the most learned and virtuous prelates and doctors of this kingdom persisted in the said opinion, and even the university of Paris said that, the Queen not having been known by the Prince, this marriage was good; and for proof that she had not been known, I gave them innumerable reasons. I then told them that the statute which they alleged was not valid, for several reasons which I set before them; and, supposing it was good, that the Queen ought not to be included in it, for reasons which it would be too long to relate. I afterwards alleged to them the most just causes why the case should not be decided here, especially before this Archbishop, who is the man most suspected in all the world, and who, as a violater of his recent oath of obedience to the Pope, and also as one excommunicated, can give no sentence of any value; and that the sentence of the Pope alone is sufficient to abate hereafter the dissensions which may arise touching the succession; which dissensions, as they have known heretofore, are very easy to disseminate in this kingdom, and very difficult to extinguish: that heretofore the Roses had troubled the kingdom, but now it seemed they desired to sharpen the thorns of the roses; and that they must consider that even if the Archbishop was a competent judge in this matter, that since sentence in a matrimonial cause "ne passe jamays en chose jugee," his sentence will be liable to be withdrawn sans prescription; which will tend to create disorder and internal trouble, for reasons which will be too long to write, but of which I have notified the first to Granvelle.

10 May 1533. 465. On this, after they had conferred together a little while in English, Dr. Foxe rose, and made a long answer to me, to the effect that the King by his great learning, moved by the Divine Spirit, had found that he could not keep the Queen as his wife, and, like a Catholic prince, he had separated from her, and that there was no occasion to discuss the matter further; and as to disputing the jurisdiction of the archbishop of Canterbury, it would be against the laws, which neither the King nor the realm would tolerate, even under presentation of briefs or bulls from the Pope, who, to speak frankly, had no authority here, or jurisdiction, either over temporality or spirituality; and that if I did this, I could not protect myself by the privilege of ambassadors, for that was beyond the duties of the office, especially as the said briefs were not commands of your Majesty, but of the Pope, whose ambassador I was not, and had no charge from his Holiness so to do, which belonged to his Nuncio; besides that, my said power was of old date, and that your Majesty might have changed your opinion since, which they think probable from information received by the King from his ambassador, and for this reason they would pray me, in order not to put myself in danger, or the realm in trouble, and also not to embitter matters further, that I would wait for a new command from your Majesty.

After several replies and discussions, as I persisted in my intention of executing what was contained in my said power, they one and all begged me to have regard to the inconveniences above mentioned; and finally, seeing that the two judges were there only to make solemn prohibition and conjure me not to transgress the said statute, of which Wiltshire held a copy in his hand, in a great roll of paper, as long as I was there,—and also because, as I wrote at the beginning of this letter, there was no necessity to do so,—determining to make a virtue of necessity, I told them that although they knew that I only desired the good of affairs, and not to create too great difficulties, I was content to delay two days, and that meanwhile it might please the King to make answer to my letter in writing, and that if he made me such an answer as it seemed to me your Majesty might be content with, I would forbear to proceed further. Of these words they all showed themselves very glad. I expect today the said answer, and if I do not receive it I will try again. On leaving the Council, for a bonne bouche I told them that there were men in their court who made very strange reports, for some wished the people to understand that your Majesty had consented to this affair, and others said you wished to come and destroy this kingdom; and as to the last point, I informed them that your Majesty never thought otherwise than to favor this kingdom, and had never imagined they would give him occasion to do otherwise. As to the first, they must understand that unless justice required it so, all the world could not alter your Majesty's intentions, who would pursue the Queen's right to the end, not less, as I have said, for the affection you bore both to the King and Queen, which I hope the King would know, putting apart somewhat his passion; and therefore they would do well to take order about these publishers of news, otherwise I should be compelled to publish other news. They replied that this was quite reasonable, and that if they found things so, they would give order about them.

10 May 1533. 465. He said also that on this journey he would take with him at least 300 horses, besides mules of burden. I do not know how he will manage at his return, but it seems that he has great desire to march. It has been determined since my last that no churchman should go with him. It is not yet known when he will leave, for it depends upon the post, who, as I last wrote to your Majesty, has not yet returned from Rome. Dr. Sampson and others have told me that the King has no doubt this meeting at Nice is made by consent of your Majesty. The King has ordered all the gentlemen to be here at the Feast of Pentecost, to honor the coronation of the Lady, for which solemnity new loans are levied every day; but the King will reimburse himself too much, for it is a custom here, when such a festivity takes place, to create knights those who have a sufficient revenue to support it; and if any one refuse the honor, to avoid incurring certain obligations, as several do, the King formerly took a certain fine; but now it is proposed to proceed more roughly, that is to say, that every one who has a revenue of 40l. sterling be obliged to accept the said order, or give up his whole revenue for three years. This is a serious thing, besides the displeasure they have at the ill-treatment of the Queen, which makes the people murmur against this coronation; and most of them have no hope of reformation, except by the aid of your Majesty, and no fear, even those who possess property, except that your Majesty will forget them (ne les oblige, qu. oublie?), saying that they know well this accursed woman will maltreat all those who have taken the Queen's part or spoken in her favor. I speak of men of mark, for whoever would punish all the others would have enough to do; and I venture to assure your Majesty that things are now at such a pass that if there came men from your Majesty, they would have as much following as they pleased. This woman does all she can to gain the goodwill of the Londoners; but she deceives herself, for if there come a crisis (ung affaire), I think they would keep their wages and say, "vive qui vence," as usual.

Ten days ago the King despatched to Rome in great diligence the nephew of the auditor of the Chamber, I know not about what. There has also arrived here the Pope's man to speak of the convocation of the Council, who with the Nuncio was at court on Sunday, and they will return thither tomorrow. I imagine they will get an agreeable answer, viz., that the King does not wish to promote the said Council, which is, as the English say, just what the Pope wants, whatever he pretends. The messenger of Denmark, who was here before for the justification of the outrage done to the English in Denmark, has returned, and I have not been able to discover why he came. London, 10 May 1533.

Fr., pp. 10. From a modern copy.

18 May 1533. 508. As I have already informed your Majesty, my obstinacy in this course has not been with a view to execute what I threatened, for no good could arise from it, but only to have occasion to show them a number of things, and to obtain some influence with the King and his Council by gratifying them in this; and thereby at last to secure somewhat better treatment of the Queen and Princess, of whose ill-usage no one here dare speak a word for fear of the Lady, and if I had proceeded as above they would have made it worse. The Queen has also strongly approved of this course. On the said Tuesday, after having discussed the whole matter, nothing came of it but that I intended to proceed to the execution of my charge, unless the King made me an answer by writing to the aforesaid letters with more urgent reasons than they had alleged; and if they hesitated to make this report to the King, I would write to him again; and thereupon, they having undertaken to do so, I came away. On Wednesday evening I sent to ask Cromwell to come and speak with me next morning; to which he consented very readily; but having at the same time informed the King, who wished to speak to him first, he sent to excuse himself for that day. Yesterday morning he came to me, and declared the said cause of his delay; and after much talk I gave him to understand the good service I had always done to maintain peace between your Majesty and the King his master, and that he was no good servant either of the one or the other who did not do all in his power to that effect; and, considering the disorder of this new marriage, hoping that in time the King his master would remedy it himself when his passion had cooled and he had discovered the truth, I would not embitter matters and throw oil instead of water on the fire. For this reason, considering that the execution of my charge would irritate the King, and for other reasons which I forbore to explain, to testify my desire for the preservation of the amity, I intended not to proceed until I saw some new complication in the affairs of the Queen, or received some new command from your Majesty, and that the King and his Council, having made such disorder, ought to forbear to irritate your Majesty by little things, such as the maltreatment of the Queen in changing her name and diminishing her attendance, and taking away her arms from her barge, and those which were engraved in stone in the gate of the great hall of Westminster,—ignominies which have not hitherto been used except towards those attainted of treason. Cromwell praised my goodwill towards his master, and thanked me for those last suggestions about the arms, of which he said he had heard nothing, adding that he firmly believed the King had not been informed of it, and would be displeased at it. As to the Queen's household, so far as he was informed, the King had no intention to diminish it. I told him I thought he was so much inclined to the said amity that I believed he had done good service in this matter, and would continue to do so; for the principal affair, which the King would cover under pretence of conscientious scruple and to leave male successors, would discover itself by these petty iniquities and annoyances. This I protested, I said to him, more as a servant of the King his master in that matter than of your Majesty or the Queen. He appeared to take it all in good part. He then began to recount the great benefits the King his master had conferred not only on you but on the emperor Maximilian and the late King Catholic, and he thought your Majesty was so great a prince that though the Spaniards, being very courageous and not mindful of his honor, wished to stimulate him to war against the King, the memory of those favors and the common good of both countries would restrain you, besides that the English would not allow themselves to be beaten without resistance. He afterwards attempted to excuse what the King had done so precipitately, that it was only because they knew the Pope would not do him justice; and with this he uttered two or three taunts against his Holiness, and exalted very much the learning of his master, by which he had found that he had been able to do what he had done, and having thereby satisfied his conscience, he thought no one had a right to blame him, although he confessed that neither the King nor all Christian princes, nor even the preachers, could persuade the world that the King had not been influenced by passion; but, as already remarked, it was enough that he satisfied his own conscience. I asked him, as I had also asked others, of the time, place, and witnesses of this new marriage, but could get no particulars. The duke of Norfolk told me that he was not present at it, but that there could be no doubt it was done, for there were men in the Council who had witnessed it; but he would not tell me who, nor anything else, although I told him, to draw him out, that it was incredible, seeing that they would not publish the form, and that it would be very strange that such a prince with such loyal subjects did such an act in a corner (soub la cheminee), which would make the world all the more suspect and speak of it. On my asking their news from Rome, Cromwell told me, I know not whether by dissimulation, that the Pope, being informed of this affair by the King's ambassadors, was very much grieved and a little angry, saying he would find a remedy. He told me he did not know when the duke of Norfolk was to depart.

18 May 1533. 508. As I was reading your Majesty's letter of the 25th ult., reporting your prosperous arrival in Spain, for which all your subjects and even all true Christians ought to thank God, Cromwell entered my chamber, and I showed him the charge I had to notify to the King his master, which I begged him to do for me, as I did not think it becoming, under present circumstances, to go to the King. He accepted it willingly. I showed him also the article touching the offers of the count of Tenda on the part of the French king, and added a few words of my own about the prospect of friendship continuing in that quarter. Cromwell assented to my words, but showed no great joy at the news, and took leave, promising to do his best to prevent cause of offence being given to your Majesty. If I can, by this or other means, prevent them from doing anything more to the Queen and Princess, it will be the utmost that any one can do here. Although I have said that I meant to pass over the arguments that I used to the King's Council, I think your Majesty ought to understand that having proved to them by several reasons that the statute made against the Queen was of no validity, because by old alliances it is unlawful either for your Majesty or the King to make laws to the prejudice of each other's subjects, and, moreover, it was in direct contravention of the last treaty of peace, and although the Queen was here a subject, as they wished to affirm, still her natural subjection could not be abolished by the accidental, and that if for an injustice done to a poor seaman, or for the stealing of a horse on foreign territory by consent of one of the Princes, peace would be violated, it would be still more so in this case, the injury being so great, and the person to whom it is done more than a subject. To this and the confirmations which I adduced they knew not what to reply. I have thought right to inform you of this, that if the Pope would not do his duty touching the delay of the affair, your Majesty may consider if you cannot take the remedy into your own hands without infringing the treaties, which the English have already violated.

You cannot imagine the great desire of all this people that your Majesty should send men here. Every day I have been applied to about it by Englishmen of rank, wit, and learning, who give me to understand that the last king Richard was never so much hated by his people as this King. Nevertheless, he was chased out by two or three thousand Frenchmen, their leader being not only not so much loved as your Majesty, but hardly known; and, moreover, he had not the favor of a Queen and Princess and their adherents, who comprehend nearly the whole kingdom; but it was impossible, without the aid of foreigners, that they should dare to declare themselves, and that if you wish to strengthen yourself with the favor of the Scots and of this people also, it would be necessary to set agoing the rumour that your Majesty desired the marriage of the king of Scots. I had not intended to enter so much into this matter, seeing that I have already written more than became me, but for the importunity of several persons.

26 May 1533. Vienna Archives. 541. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

The day before yesterday I received your Majesty's letters of the 6th; since which time I hope your Majesty has received mine, showing how I have conducted myself hitherto in accordance with your instructions, especially in not embittering matters, or threatening anything like war or abatement of friendship. As often as the King or his Council have asked me whether your Majesty would make war for this case, I have always prayed and protested that they should not speak to me of such a matter, for I thought that they would on no account give you cause, and was sure "que aussy envy vouldroit vostre Majeste movoir guerre contre vostre Majeste que contre le roy des Romains," (?) for several reasons; and since the King had put his cause to trial, there was no occasion to speak of war; but it was to be hoped that, even now that the King had taken a new wife, he would not on that account contravene the determination of the Holy See; and that if he had broken off the first marriage, bound with ties more firm than adamant, the last could be much more easily dissolved, which was tied with bands of leeks (feulles de pourreaulx), as a king of France actually did who got divorced from a daughter of Denmark, and afterwards took her again. By such means I disentangled myself from their warlike enquiries, justifying always the necessity of your Majesty demanding the execution of justice in the case at Rome, and not less for the sake of the King and all the realm than for that of the Queen. As to your command to advise the Queen, notwithstanding her bad treatment, to remain here, she has long since resolved so to do, if only the King do not cause her to be taken out of the realm by force; which he would not dare to do. Your Majesty, therefore, may be at ease on that subject; for, besides the wise reasons contained in your letters, the Queen thinks that by going away from here she will do some injury to her own cause, and that she would sin greatly in removing from the obedience of the King, whom she will always hold as her husband, and obey, however ill he treats her. Notwithstanding his conduct, the Queen shows him as much affection as ever, without having as yet used a single angry or quarrelsome word; from which I am sure she will refrain, knowing your Majesty's wish.

The King, seeing that, notwithstanding the orders against it, people will speak of (against?) this marriage, has made a proclamation that those who inform against persons so speaking shall have a certain sum of money; and, further, for fear of creating greater sedition, both religious men and others have been forbidden to preach without licence of the bishop of London, who, as one of the principal promoters of this divorce, allows whom he pleases to speak. Your Majesty will thus see the difficulty this King has in restraining his people. The treasurer of the King and of this Anne has an honest man, who reported to me that the King was very angry that some English merchants had withdrawn their goods from Flanders, which was a token of war, and would create suspicion. A gentleman arrived six days ago from the king of France only to hasten the departure of the duke of Norfolk, who, on his arrival, set his train in motion, and has this morning dislodged. I think the Duke was to come to this city to talk with him, and bid him farewell, but he has been so much pressed and hindered that scarcely anybody could speak to him. For this reason, and not to exhibit too great a curiosity about his mission, or any fear, I refrained from visiting him, but sent a servant; to whom, notwithstanding that he was on the point of departure, and very busy, he held a long discourse, with a thousand courtesies and offers; which to impress the better in his memory, he recalled the man twice, and repeated to him, and further bade him tell me that he was going to Nice to meet the Pope and the king of France, where some good thing would be treated, insinuating thereby that your Majesty would be persuaded to confirm this new marriage, and dissemble about it, and that the union between your Majesty and the King will continue. If the English intend to promote this last result, they will do well, in my opinion, not to discover it either to the Pope or the king of France; who, if they thought such a union would ensue by the ratification or dissimulation of this marriage, would not use any great persuasions to your Majesty. The Pope, as I hear, pretends that the meeting is to treat of an enterprise against the Turk, the convocation of a Council, and the extirpation of Lutheranism. God grant that he has no further aim! The Nuncio here told me, two months ago, several times, that he had seen letters of merchants, stating that there were proposals to marry the Pope's niece to the duke of Orleans, and let him have the duchy of Milan, giving the Duke in compensation the duchy of Bourbon, and the sister of the sieur d'Albret for wife. I know not from what quarter he received those news, which seemed to him probable, though I thought them very incredible.

A truce with the Scots is spoken of, and it is hoped that peace will follow, to treat of which the bishop of Durham is to go to Scotland, but he is not yet ready. I have long since warned the queen of Hungary to keep her eye upon the negotiations of this peace (a leur pescherie de ladicte paix), and I have no doubt she will be vigilant. Even if it were concluded on the Pope's proceeding to sentence and further measures, without which your Majesty cannot well attempt anything, the king of Scots might, without breach of faith, be the true instrument to redress matters here. And if your Majesty do not desire, for fear of kindling a greater fire in Christendom, to undertake this enterprise openly, the said King might be aided by money from the Pope, whom the matter touches, and also from your Majesty; and you, by virtue of the Pope's commands, might forbid intercourse; and no doubt the Irish, who profess to be subjects of the Holy See, would do in such a case all they could. No doubt it would be better if all this could be avoided, but there is no hope of a remedy by gentleness; and even this people, who would suffer much if matters came to extremity, desire nothing better than that your Majesty should send an army hither. Your Majesty will doubtless judge of this by your immense prudence.

Nothing else has occurred since my last letters worth writing. London, 26 May 1533.

Fr., hol., pp. 6. From a modern copy.

29 May 1533. Vienna Archives. 556. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

The duke of Norfolk (age 60), who was to have left on the 26th, the date of my last letters, has, by the King's command, remained two days longer; and this, I think, partly to negotiate with me on matters I shall report hereafter. The day before yesterday he sent to me, early in the morning, an honest man to desire that I would immediately send my most confidential servant to communicate with him on some matters; and considering that on every account my own going would be better than sending any of my servants, I repaired to him immediately, but in disguise and secretly, for the consideration which, as I wrote, prevented me from going to bid him adieu.

After thanking me for the trouble I had taken in coming to him, he said he was going to this meeting of two as great princes as there were in Christendom, where, if it had pleased God that your Majesty had been present, he was sure it would not have been your fault if a most perfect peace and amity were not concluded; of which matter he said your Majesty held the keys, and everything depended upon it, and that since there was no hope of your being personally present, the greatest good that could come would be by your sending ministers well inclined to union. And, either for a joke, or as an acknowledgment of my trouble, or, as the phrase goes, to offer a candle to the enemy, he was pleased to say that he would like much that I were one of the said ministers; wishing also, but with better cause, that the Nuncio here were with his Holiness. To this I replied that it never was owing to your Majesty, nor would be, that Christendom was not perfectly united, declaring the intolerable labors and expenses you had sustained for that end, and that your Majesty desired nothing more than to increase the amity with the King his master, as all the world could easily see. And as it appeared that the union of which he spoke depended on the matter of this cursed marriage, he must not say that your Majesty held the key, but if the King his master would allow it to be determined by an impartial tribunal like the Pope [that would be sufficient]. For this cause he ought to desire that his master should be present at the interview in order that they might urge him to act in this manner, which was all that your Majesty demanded, and which could not be refused to the least person in the world. As to the ministers of your Majesty with his Holiness and the most Christian King, after I had declared their sufficiency, he was satisfied; praying me, nevertheless, that I would write to them by all means to show themselves tractable and do their duty at the said meeting. He added, that he wished your Majesty would send again plenty of ambassadors thither, of whom some should be men of authority, as his master was sending thither many persons, and not among the least persons of the kingdom, and it would be necessary that some one should be there who knew the importance of the common interests of your Majesty's countries and this kingdom. The end of his talk was, that no one was more fit than De Praet, whose appointment he begged me to solicit; and on my saying I did not think you would send more ambassadors without being desired by the Pope, and that I was astonished he had been so long in giving me notice, he answered as to the first that he fully believed that your Majesty had been long ago apprised by the Pope, who would not have dared to treat of this without your consent; and as to not having informed me sooner, it was because the French king had requested his master to keep it as secret as possible, and to disclose it to no one but him and one other. This was about three months ago; since which time the French king had renewed his request several times, that an ambassador should be nominated to go to the said meeting, which charge he desired to perform even at the loss of one of his fingers. He told me afterwards that the King his master had taken in very good part the warnings I had given to Cromwell to avoid occasions of irritating your Majesty; that he had been very much grieved that the arms of the Queen had been not only taken from her barge, but also rather shamefully mutilated; and that he had rather roughly rebuked the Lady's chamberlain, not only for having taken away the said arms, but for having seized the barge, which belonged only to the Queen, especially as there are in the river many others quite as suitable. I praised the King's goodwill touching the arms, and for the rest I said there was no need of excuse, for what belonged to the Queen was the King's still more; adding that I was now encouraged to hope that the King would see to the honorable treatment of the Queen and Princess; for, as I said to Cromwell, the pretence of a scruple of conscience could not extend to their treatment; and if they were ill-used, besides the displeasure of God, he would incur blame from all the world, and greatly irritate your Majesty. On this he spoke as highly of both of them as could be, and said he was very sure your Majesty loved the Princess naturally, but that he thought he loved her more. He mentioned, among other virtues of the Queen, the great modesty and patience she had shown, not only during these troubles, but also before them, the King being continually inclined to amours. And as to the said treatment, he was sure the King would not diminish her dower, of about 24,000 ducats, assigned to her in the time of prince Arthur, if she would content herself with the state a widow princess ought to keep. To this I said I thought the King so wise and humane that, in consideration of the virtue of the Queen, the long and good service she had done him, and also of her kindred, he would not diminish anything of what she had had till then, and I begged him to use his influence to that effect. He swore by his faith "quil avoit bachier (?) plus de 10,000 escuz" that I had spoken to him on this subject; for unless I had opened this door to him, he would not have dared to moot the question for all the gold in the world, but after our communications he would urge the affair to the end, and do his very best, in accordance with my suggestions to Cromwell. He said the King had also taken very well my suggestion that he should write a letter to your Majesty in defence of what he has done in this matter. I protested to him, as I had done to Cromwell, that what I had said was not as ambassador, but as one devoted to the service of the King, and anxious for peace; and as to the said letter, if it did not produce all the effect that the King desired, I hoped he would not reproach me for having solicited it, as it pleased him once to tell me touching the mission of the earl of Wiltshire. Norfolk said there was no fear of this, and begged that I would communicate (fere tenir) the said letter to his Majesty's ambassador, which would be in a packet which he would send me for the said ambassador. This I promised. Nevertheless, I have not yet received the packet.

On this, not wishing to wait dinner, though he desired me, I returned with the intention of sending to him later a servant of mine, which I did. By him and also by Brian Tuke he sent to me to say that he had determined to come to me tomorrow early at my lodging; but as his departure was to be so abrupt, the King would not let him move a step further from him in order to discuss the affairs of his charge, and therefore he begged me very urgently that I would go there, and that he hoped that we should do or at least begin some good work. Next morning I went secretly to see him in his chamber, when he replied to me, as to writing for the despatch of the persons above mentioned, that if your Majesty desired the peace and union to be accomplished, there was no excuse from the shortness of time, for you could receive my letters in 15 days; and as the meeting was not to begin till about the 5th July people could leave Barcelona in time for it, and be there quite as soon as he. He therefore begged me diligently to write, although I put before him the reasons already alleged, and also to see that the King's packet for his ambassador should go along with mine. As to the treatment of the Queen (age 47), he said that the King by their laws was no longer bound to the Queen with respect to the dower she had by Prince Arthur; and moreover that by virtue of the Act passed in this last Parliament, as the Queen would not obey it, the King might use rigour and diminish even the dower she has. Nevertheless, for the reasons which I had mentioned on the previous day and for others, the King would treat her honorably, not indeed so liberally as when she was Queen, unless she would submit to the sentence of divorce which the archbishop of Canterbury [had given]; and he thought I had so much influence with her that I might induce her to do so, by which I should acquire inestimable glory, and be the cause of as great a benefit as could be done not only to this kingdom but to Christendom, which remained disunited simply on this account; also that this way would be more effectual than any other, for if your Majesty would enter into war on this account, it would be the greatest calamity to Christendom. Moreover that it was impossible to fly into this kingdom (que lon ne peult vouler dans ce royaulme), and that, being there, they would find people to talk to, and very difficult to subdue or even to injure; and as to making war upon them by the sea, they, having the aid of France, of which they were as much assured as of their own people, would fear no power whatever. Further he ventured to affirm that if you attempted to make war upon this kingdom you would not be without anxiety to guard your own countries from their friends and allies, who were neither few nor unimportant. For, besides the king of France, who was most constant to them, they had the king of Scotland entirely at their command; who, since the one year's truce made with the King, was anxious for nothing but the conclusion of a peace; and he dared affirm that the Scotch king would come here before 10 months, when a marriage would be concluded between him and the daughter of the king of France. Moreover, they had the friendship of a great part of Germany, and Italy was not so well affected to your Majesty as you might think. He doubted not that the Spaniards, for their courage, and the sake of their reputation, and for the glory of previous victories, would stimulate your Majesty to war; but he trusted your Majesty was too prudent and regardful of ancient friendship and good offices done to you and your predecessors to lend an ear to such advisers, especially considering the arrogance of the Spaniards, who for want of payment have lately mutinied against you.

I answered as to this last, that I knew nothing of it, and, if true, it was not of much importance, for it had happened to many valiant commanders. As to the rest, although there were sufficiently apparent reasons by which to answer him, and also about the injustice done to the Queen, yet as I had come to hear something else, and in order to let him understand that I did not make very much of the terrors which he wished to raise up, I said as little as possible, merely remarking by way of joke that your Majesty was much bound to those who had greater consideration for your injuries than for their own, and that all the world knew your Majesty would not make war, even against those from whom you had received no favor, without being compelled by a very just quarrel; and that in such a case, with the help of God, in whom you placed your trust, you could manage your own affairs; and, moreover, there was no prince in the world who, in my opinion, had better means of obtaining friendships. With this reply I should have left him in a sweat without going further, but I begged him that we might not speak as if war would take place, but rather how to avoid occasion of it; which would never be given on the part of your Majesty. As to what he said of the justice of the Queen, since argument was to no purpose, I made no reply to him; but as to the first point, if he wished me to induce the Queen to submit to the sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury, I denied that I had any influence over her; and, to speak frankly, if I had I would not use it to that effect for all the gold in the world, unless your Majesty should command me; and though I was sure you would never consent to anything except what justice would ordain, yet, to gratify the King, I would write to you about all this, and if perhaps I received your commandment to enter upon such a course, which I did not expect, I would show the King the desire I had to do him service, and help in the preservation of amity. On this the Duke swore by the faith he owed to God that I spoke like an honest man, and that he could not press me further, but begged me to do in this and all else the best I could. Your Majesty will see to what they are reduced when they address themselves to me, when they know very well, as the King once told me, and as I have written to your Majesty, that I have always been and am most devoted to the right of the Queen; so that it must be said either that they are in very great fear, or think me mad, or are themselves altogether blind. And in order to play the part of a corsair among corsairs (pour jouer avec eulx de courssaire a courssaires), I have a little dissembled with the Duke about the treatment of the said ladies, in accordance with your Majesty's commands, awaiting your determination for the remedy of this matter. I have written the said conversations of the Duke in plain writing, because he uttered them in order that I might inform your Majesty; and if, perhaps, he spoke them of himself without command of the King or his Council, I might have given greater faith to what he said to me of their friendships and intelligences, because by nature he is no great dissembler or inventer. And not to speak of the rest, as to the Scots, whatever confidence they have here to have the said Scots at their command, I know for certain that since the date the truce is said to have been concluded, the said Scots have taken several ships at different times, the last being not ten days ago, when they took seven very rich vessels. The Duke, as to what I had said, that the presence of his master would be very desirable at the said meeting, answered that it would be of no use; for if the Pope, the king of France, and all the world were to attempt it, they could not persuade the King to take back the Queen,—such was the scruple of his conscience, joined to the despair of having issue by her; and that it was in vain for the Pope to give sentence, for they will make no account of it or of his censures. No doubt it would give them some trouble, but for that they cared not; and if, perhaps, by reason of the said censures, Spain and Flanders would cease intercourse with the English, the others would share in the injury, and they would send part of their merchandize to Flanders and the rest to Calais, where your subjects to their great inconvenience would be compelled to get their wools, which were indispensable to them, as he said. To this I made no reply, but smiled. After this he began to excuse himself that he had not been a promoter of this marriage, but had always dissuaded it; and had it not been for him and her father, who pretended to be mad to have better means of opposing this marriage, it would have been done secretly a year ago; on which account the Lady was very indignant against both of them. In confirmation of this, I have learned from a very good authority, and from one who was present, that eight days since, the Lady having put in a piece to enlarge her gown, as ladies do when in the family way, her father told her she ought to take it away, and thank God to find herself in such condition; and she, in presence of Norfolk, Suffolk, and the treasurer of the household, replied by way of announcement, that she was in better condition than he would have desired. On departure, the Duke made me many gracious offers of his person and goods, recommending the sending of the said packet, and great care in writing to send personages to the said meeting, and above all to make his recommendations to your Majesty, to whom, after the King his master, he desires most to do service. This he said several times in the presence of the whole Council. I have not been with them since.

3 Sept [1533]. Vienna Archives. 1069. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

Six days ago I received your letters of 18 July, with those addressed to the Queen, which I immediately sent to her, informing her of the rest of the news, as commanded. She has written to me that she has received more joy and consolation from the said letters than from the news brought to her at the same instant of the sentence given at Rome in her favor. And not without cause ought she to prefer the continuance of your Majesty's good will to the news of the sentence, for your support may help her; but without it, considering the obstinacy of those concerned, the sentence will do little good; in contempt of which (en dessaie en relipende, qu. defiance ou vilipende?) the King has lately taken into his hands the revenues of the bishoprics of cardinal Campeggio and of the auditor of the Chamber,which shows very little inclination to obey the sentence; though some think this a much better sign, because he is so desperate and makes such brags, that after his anger is over he will put water in his wine, and return to the right road, provided that the Pope is resolute, whom he is trying by these grimaces to intimidate. Of this I think the Queen will inform you by the first messenger, if the spies round about give her an opportunity (luy donnant les espiez quella au tourd relaiz de pouvoer escripre), which she has not been able to do yet; and she has begged me to excuse her to your Majesty, and request you on her part if you will be so gracious as to send persons to persuade the King to obey the sentence, to instruct them to remonstrate with him, and, if necessary, with the Parliament, against making any change in the goods she has hitherto had assigned for her support and dower (arrez matrimoniales), of which it is reported they mean to deprive her in the coming Parliament, which will begin about the end of October. At this she is more afflicted than with anything else that has hitherto occurred; for she always thought that so long as she kept this, which is the usual portion of queens, that she was not entirely dispossessed of her estate and dignity; and, moreover, it will deprive some of her domestic servants of the remuneration she had given them out of the said goods. Thinks it superfluous to write about sending men to make these persuasions, but as the Queen has written to him twice about it, could not omit to mention it. Till now no change has been made in her treatment, whatever threats have been used. I am endeavouring to obtain the treaties and documents about the said consignation de biens, which being obtained I will do my best to prevent the said injury.

3 Sept [1533]. In regard to what the duke of Norfolk said to me about the interview of the Pope and king of France, there has been no question about it since.

The authors of those proposals still profess (?) (se tiennent par le bec) never to have put them forward, because their suggestions are turned into ridicule. As to those about Andrea Doria, it has been equally out of the question to revive them, but if there were an opportunity I should not fail to reply according to your command.

The duke of Norfolk arrived at Court the day before yesterday, having come from France in post. Immediately on his arrival it was proposed to send to this meeting at Nice, to the king of France, the bishop of Winchester, who left this morning. There is some report also that the archbishop of Canterbury will follow him; and I have not yet learned whether he is going to the Pope, or to whom. The duke of Richmond is also returning from France to marry the daughter of Norfolk, and it is said the King will send him to Ireland as governor of that country. There has lately been sent to the Tower a Scotch gentleman, taken upon the sea, who was going to Rome to solicit, in the name of the Scotch king, against the archbishop of St. Andrew's, who, as I have written, is attainted of treason. This capture will not promote the peace or truce for which Beauvois is still here awaiting a new commission and letters from the king of France to return to Scotland. Some think the king of Scots will for all this consent to a truce, to give him time to accomplish his marriage and to make some alliance, without which he does not intend to make any enterprise for the invasion of this kingdom; for if money fail him the angelots and practices of those here might make his men stumble, and do him an ill turn, as has happened to several of his predecessors.

3 Sept [1533]. The ships of Lubeck wishing to fight the 15 hulks which had arrived at Rye, as I wrote in my last, caused one of their chief captains to land, to obtain the favor of the inhabitants of the said port, and ask them to allow them to land some artillery, the better to injure the said hulks. But those of the said port having received the King's command, granted at my solicitation, to assist your Majesty's subjects, not only refused his request, but apprehended him; on which the said ships, astonished, drew down their flags, and hoisted sail for their own country, leaving their captain prisoner, who gives assurance (se fait fort) that everything that has been taken will be restored to the English and Spaniards, provided they will let him go to Lubeck on parole. But the King and Council, who have taken the affair much to heart, will not accept his assurance, but require him to get the Easterlings to pay or give security on his behalf. As for the seven ships which I wrote were in the fleet of Lubeck, two were Spaniards, of which they gave cong to one and to all the men, giving them letters to the factor of Portugal at Antwerp, for recompence of their damages in an action which one of the company raised against the said factor.

The King holding it certain by the report of his physicians and astrologers that the Lady would bear a son, has determined to hold rejoicings and solemn jousts to make up for (pour regor de) the shortcomings of the last, which were shameful and beggarly, and already some of the Lady's favorites have sent to Flanders to buy horses. The King has taken from his treasures one of the richest and most triumphant beds (lictz) which was given for the ransom of a duke of Alenon. It was well for the Lady that it was delivered to her two months ago, for she would not have had it now; because, being full of jealousy, and not without cause, she used some words to the King at which he was displeased, and told her that she must shut her eyes, and endure as well as more worthy persons (aussy bien que vailloient mieulx quelle), and that she ought to know that it was in his power to humble her again in a moment more than he had exalted her. By reason of which words there has been some grudge, and faon de faire, so that the King has been two or three days without speaking to her. No doubt these things are lovers' quarrels, to which we must not attach too great importance, yet many who know the King's disposition consider them a very favorable commencement for the recall of the Queen.