The Bardon Papers 9

The Bardon Papers 9 is in The Bardon Papers.

Correspondence Between Mary Stuart (age 43) And Anthony Babington (age 24). June-August, 1586. [Egerton MSS. 2124, ff. 57-64.]

These are copies, in a contemporary clerkly hand, of all the letters which are recorded to have passed between Mary and Babington during the summer of 1586, together with a copy of one letter which Babington wrote to Nau. The text of the Mary-Babington letters corresponds exactly, except for a few insignificant verbal exceptions, to that printed by B. Sepp in "Maria Stuart's Briefwechsel mit Antony Babington," (Munich 1886).

The question as to whether they are entirely genuine, or entirely forged, or partially genuine and partially forged, has not yet been satisfactorily answered. Defenders of Mary have complained that the originals of these letters were never produced. It ought to be remembered that if Walsingham, instead of merely taking copies of them and sending them on to their destination, as he professed to have done, had retained the originals in his possession, he would have brought the correspondence to an end at once. It is quite possible that he sent the originals to their destination in order to elicit a reply and that Mary on her part, and Babington on his, saw to it that they were destroyed. From the letters printed by Morris in "The Letter-books of Sir Amias Poulet" it appears fairly certain that a careful search was made among Mary's papers for Babington's letters to her and for the original drafts of her letters to Babington, but without success. Mary's prosecutors were evidently anxious to get hold of them, believing that they would strengthen their case against her.

Babington Plot

(a) Mary (age 43) to Babington (age 24). June 25, 1586. This letter, reopening Mary's intercourse with Babington which had been interrupted some years before, appears to have been written at the suggestion of Thos. Morgan, Mary's agent in Paris (cf. Morgan to Mary 31 April/9 May 1586. Murdin p. 513). Claude Nau, Mary's secretary, declared that Morgan had actually dictated the terms of the letter (Labanoff, vii. p. 208). Four copies of this letter, one in French and three in English, are preserved in the Record Office (S. P. Mary Q. of S. xix. nos. 9-12). The French version contains also a copy of Babington's and Curie's attestation of the letter. There are other copies in the British Museum.

                    My verie good frend, albeit it be longe since yow hard from me, no more then I have done from yow, against my will, yet wold I not yow shuld thinke I have, in the mean while, nor will ever be, vnmyndfull of the effectuall affection yow have shewed heretofore towardes all that concern eth me. I have vnderstood that vpon the ceasinge of our intelligence there weare addressed vnto yow, both from France and Scotland, some packettes for me. I pray yow if anye be come to your handes, and be yet in place, to delyver them to the bearer1 hereof, who will make them be safelye convayed vnto me. And I will pray God for your preservation. Of June, the 25th [1586], at Charteley [Map].
                
                    Your assured good frend, Marie R.
                
                    The bearer of these letters went by the name of Barnaby. He has usually been identified with one Thomas Barnes, who offered himself anonymously to Mary as a conveyer of her letters in a letter which he wrote to heron the 10th of June, 1586 (Morris, p. 375). It is clear however that Barnaby and Barnes cannot have been the same person because Barnaby had entered into communication with Mary through Curie, her secretary, at least as early as April 29th, 1586 (cf. Curie to Barnaby June, 1586, in Morris, p. 376). Moreover we find Curie inquiring of Barnaby who this anonymous correspondent was that was offering his services (cf. Curie's letter, just cited). Barnaby was, of course, one of Walsingham's agents, but Barnes seems to have been introduced into the affair by Gilbert Gifford without Walsingham's knowledge, for reasons which are not quite clear but which were probably not those that Gifford set forth later (cf. Gifford to Phelippes, printed in Morris, p.380). Morris takes the view that Barnaby and Barnes were one and the same, but he has himself, quite unconsciously, printed sufficient evidence to prove the contrary.

Babington Plot

                    (b) Babington (age 24) to Mary (age 43). [6] July, 1586.
                
                    This letter is undated, but Sepp (Briefwechsel etc. p. 28 11. 9) has advanced good reasons to show that it was written about the 6th of July. There are three English copies and one French copy of it in the Record Office (S. P. Mary Q. of S. xix. nos. 9-12). The French version includes a copy of Curie's attestation. Other contemporary copies are preserved in the British Museum and elsewhere. Lingard argues (vol. vi. p. 415, n. 3) that Babington wrote this letter before he had received Mary's of June 23rd, citing as evidence the testimony of Nau. The value of Nau's testimony upon a point like this, he being a prisoner with Mary at the time Babington received the letter, is certainly very questionable. Lingard cites as further evidence the fact that Babington makes no specific mention of Mary's letter in his own. This is true, but it does not seem sufficient to outweigh the fact that some days after Mary had written to Babington, when he had had time to receive her letter, he wrote to her, not directly acknowledging her letter to be sure, but apologizing at the very outset for his long silence, of which Mary had spoken in her letter to him.
                
                    The numerals printed along the margin occur, in the same fashion, in the manuscript. Their significance is not quite clear.

[6th July 1586]. Most mightie, most excellent, my dread soverainge Ladye and 1° Queene, vnto whom onlye I owe all fidelitie and obedience; It may please your gratious Majestie to admit the excuse of my longe silence and discontinuance from the dutifull offices by me incepted vppon the remove your roiall person from the auncient place of your aboade to the custodye of a wicked Puritane, and mere Lecestrian, a mortall enemye both by faith and faction to your Majestie and the state Catholique. I held the hope of your¹ contries weale (depending next vnder God vpon the life and health of your Majesty) to be desperate, and thervpon resolved to departe the land, determyning to spende the remaynder of my life in such solitarie sorte as the wretched and miserable state of my contrie did require, daylye expectinge (according to the just judgment of God) the deserved confusion therof, wich our Lord for His mercies sake prevent. The wich my purpose being in execution, and standing vpon my departure, there was addressed vnto me from the partes beyond the seas one Ballard, a man of vertue and learninge and of singuler zeale to the Catholique cause and your Majesties service. This man informed me of great preparation by the Christian princes (your Maiesties allyes) for the delyverance of our contrie from the extreme and miserable state wherin it hath to longe remayned, wich when I vnderstood, my especiall desire was to advise by what meanes, with 2° the hazard of my life, and my frendes in generall, I might doe your sacred Majesty one good dayes service. Wherupon, most deare soverainge, according to the greate care wich those princes have of the preservation and safe delyveringe of your Majesties sacred person, I advised of meanes and considered of the circumstances accordinge to the wayght of the affaire, and after longe consideration and conference had with so many the wisest and most trustie as with saftetie I might recommende the secrecye² therof vnto, I do tinde (by the assistance of our Lord Jesus) assurance of good effecte and desired fruite of our travailes.

Note 1. This is probably a mistake of the contemporary copyist. The word is "our" in the copies at the Record Office.

Note 2. This word is "safety" in the Record Office copies.

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[6th July 1586]. These thinges are first to be advised, in this greate and honourable action, vpon the issue of wich depends not onlye the life of your most excellent Majestie (wich God long preserve to our inestimable comforte and to the salvation of English sowles and the life of all vs actors herein), but also the honour and weale of our contrie, farre then our lives more deare to vs, and the last hope ever to recover the faith of our forefathers, and to redeem e ourselves from the servitude and bondage which heresie had imposed upon us, with the losse of thousands of sowles. First assuringe of invasion of sufficient strenght in the invador; portes to arrive at, appointed with a stronge partie at everie place to joyne with them, and warrant theire landinge; the deliverance of your Majestie; the 3° dispatche of the vsurpinge competitor; for the effectinge of all wich (if it may please your Excellencie to relye vpon my service), I vowe and protest before the face of Almightie God (who miraculouslie hath long preserved your sacred person, no dowt to some vniversall good end) that what I have said shalbe performed, or all our lives happelie lost in the execution therof, wich vowe all the cheefe actors herein have taken solemlye, and are, upon assurance by your Majesties letters vnto me, to receave the Blessed Sacrament thervpon, eyther to prevaile in the Churches behalfe and your Majesties, or fortunatelye to dye for that honorable cause. Now, for as much as delay is extreame dangerous, it may please your most excellent Majestie by your wisdome to directe vs, and by your princelye authoritie to enable such as may advaunce the affaire, foreseinge that wheare is not anye of the nobilitie at libertie assured to your Majestie in this desperate 5° service (except vnknowen vnto us), and seinge it is verie necessarie that some there bee, to become heades to lead the multitude, ever disposed by nature in this land to follow nobilitie, considering withall it doth not onely make the commons and the gentrye to followe without contradiction or contention (wich is ever found in equalitie), but also doth adde more corage to the leaders, for wich necessarie regard I wold recommend some vnto your Majestie, as fittest in my knowlege, for to be your leiftenantes in 4° the west partes, in the north partes, Southwales, Northwales, the counties of Lancaster, Darbye and Stafford, all wich contries, by parties already made and fidelities taken in your Majesties name, I hold as most assured, and of vndowted fidelitie. My selfe with 6° ten gentilmen and a hundred our fellowes will vndertake the deliverie of your roiall person from the handes of your enemies. 7 0 For the dispatche of the vsurper, from the obedience of whom (by the excommunication of her) we are made free, there bee sixe nobil gentilmen, all my private frendes, who for the zeale they beare to the Catholique cause and your Majesties service will vndertake that tragicall execution. It resteth that accordinge to theire infinite good desartes, and your Majesties bountie, theire heroicall attempt may be honorably rewarded in them (if they escape with life) or in theire posteritie, and that so much I may be able by your Majesties authoritie to assure them. Now it remayneth onlye that by your Majesties wisdome it be reduced into methode, that your happic deliverance be first, for therevpon dependeth our onlye good, and that all the other circumstances so concurre that the vntimely beginning of one ende doe not overthrowe the rest; all wich your Maiesties wonderfull experience and wisdome will dispose of in so good manner, as I dowt not, throughe Gods good assistance, all shall come to desired effecte, for the obtayning of wich, everie one of vs shall thinke his life most happclic spent.

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[6th July 1586]. Vpon the twelfe of this month I vvilbe at Lichfild, expectinge your Majesties answer and letters, in redynes to execute what by them shalbe commaunded. Your Majesties most faithfull subjecte and sworne servant,

Anthony Babington.

(c). Babington (age 24) to Nau. [6] July, 1586. There are four copies of this letter in the Record Office, three in English and one in French. Every one of them is attested by a copy of Babington's signature. The French copy includes also a copy of an attestation by Nau. This letter was doubtless sent by Babington to Nau at the same time he sent his letter to Mary, printed above (cf. Nau to Babington, 13 July, 1586. Thorpe's Cal. ii. p. 997). It has reference to Robert Foley who was, at this time, playing the spy upon Babington in Walsingham's interests. Through Poley, Walsingham kept in touch with Babington's movements until a very few days before his arrest. Poley was arrested when the conspirators were taken, and he handed in a long written account of his part in the affair which is preserved at the Record Office (S. P. Mary Q. of S. xix. no. 26.) He was of course never brought to trial, although Walsingham was evidently not sure that he was quite innocent of double dealing.

                    [6th July 1586]. To Mr Naw, Secietarie to her Majestie.
                
                    Mr Nawe, I wold gladlye vnderstand what opinion yow hold of one Robert Pooley, whom I findeto have intelligence with her Majesties occations. I am private with the man, and bv meane therof knowe somewhat, but suspecte more. I pray yow deliver your opinion of him.
                
                    [ Indorsed]: — Julye, 1586. Letters betwene the Q. of Sc. and Anth. Babington.

Babington Plot

                    (d) Mary (age 43) to Babington (age 24). 17 July, 1586
                
                    This is a copy of the famous letter from Mary to Babington upon which the whole question of her complicity in the plot to murder Elizabeth practically turns. Labanoff found eight contemporary copies of it, of which four are preserved in the Record Office, three in the British Museum and one in France. The French copy of the letter in the Record Office (S. P Mary Q. of S. xviii. no. 51) includes a copy of the attestations of Babington, of Nau and of Curie. Labanoff believes that this letter is partly genuine, but that certain passages have been interpolated. These passages are inclosed in square brackets. A discussion of Labanoff's views, which have been adopted by many of Mary's defenders, will be found in Appendix III.
                
                    The significance of the figures printed along the margin, which are reproduced from the manuscript, is not clear.

                    [17th July 1586]. Trustie and well beloved; — Accordinge to the zealeand entier affection which I have knowen in yow towardes the common cause of religion and myite, havinge alwaies made accompte of yow as of a principall and right woorthie member to be iinployed both in the one and the other, it hath beene no lesse consolation vnto me to vnderstand your estate as I have done by your last, and to have found meanes to renew my intelligence with yow, then I felt greefe in all this while past to be withowt the same. I pray yow therfore from henceforthe to write vnto me, so often as yow can, of all occurrences wich yow may iudge in anye wise important to the good of our affaires, wherunto I shall not faile to corresponcle with all the care and diligence that shall be in my possibilitie. For divers great and important considerations, wich weare here to longe to be deduced, I cannot but greatlie praise and commend your common desire to prevent in time the 1° desseingcmentes of our enemies for the extirpation of our religion owt of this realme, with the mine of vs all. For I have longe agoe shewen vp vnto the forrayne Catholique princes, and experience doth approve it, the longer that they and wee delaye to put hand on the matter on this side, the greater leysure have our said enemies to prevaile and wynne advantage over the said princes, as they have done against the Kinge of Spayne, and in the meane time the Catholikes here remayninge, exposed to all sortes of persecution and crueltie, doe dailie diminishe in number, forces, meanes and power; so as if remedye be not thervnto hastilie providid, I feare not a litle but that they shall become altogether vnable for ever to arise againe and to receyve anie aide at all, whensoever it weare offred them. For mine owne parte, I pray yow to assure our principall frendes, that albeit I had not in this cause any particuler interest (that wich I may pretende vnto beinge of no consideration vnto me in respecte of the publique good of this state), / slialbe alwaies ready e and most willinge to imploye therin my life and all I have, or may ever 2° looke for in this worlde. Now, for to grownd substantially this enterprise and to bringe it to good success, yow must first examine deeplye; —
                
                    1° What forces, as well on foote as on horse, yow may raise amongest yow all, and wich captaines yow shall appointe for them in everie shire, in case a cheefe generall can not be had;
                
                    2° Of wich townes, portes and havens yow may assure your selves of, as well in the north, west as sowth, to receive succors from the Lowe Contries, Spayne and France;
                
                    3° What place yow esteeme fittest and of greatest advantage to assemble the principalle companie of our forces at, and the same beinge assembled, whither and wich way yow have to march e;
                
                    4° What forraine forces, as well horse as foote, yow require (wich wold be compassed conforme to the proportion of youres), for how longe paied, and munition and portes the fittest for theire landinge in this realme, from the three foresaid forraine contries;
                
                    5° What provision of money and armour (in case yow wante) yow wold aske;
                
                    6° [By what meanes doe the sixe gentilmen deliberate to proceede];
                
                    7° And the manner also of my gettinge owt of this land1.
                
                    Note 1. The Record Office copies read, for "land", "hold".

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Vpon wich pointes, havinge taken amongest yow, whoe are the principall authors and also as fewe in number as you can, the best resolution, my advise is that yow imparte the same 3° with all diligence to Bernardino de Mendoza, embassader leiger for the King [of] Spaine in France, who, besides the experience he hath of the estate of this side, I may assure yow will imploye him selfe therin most willinglye. I shall not faile to write vnto him of the matter, with all the earnest recommendations that I can, as I shall also to anye els that shalbe needfull. But yow must make choise, for managinge of this affaire with the said Mendoza and others owt of the realme, of some faithfull and verie secrett personage, vnto whom onlye yow must committ your selves, to the ende thinges may be kept in more secrett, wich, for your owne securitie, I recommende vnto yow above the rest.

If your messinger bringe yow backe againe suer promise and sufficient assurance of the succor wich yow demaunde, then therafter (but not soner for that it weare in vayne), take diligent 5° order that all those of your partie on this side make, so secretlye as they can, provision of armour, fitt horse, and readye money, whearewith to hold them selves in readynes to march, so sone as it shalbe signified vnto them by theire cheefe and principals in every shire.

And for better coloringe of the matter (reservinge to the principall the knowledge of the ground of the enterprise), it shalbe enough, for the beginninge, to geve owt to the rest that the said provisions are made onlye for fortifyinge your selves, in case of neede, against Puritanes of this realme; the principals wheareof, havinge the cheefe forces of the same in the Lowe Contries, have (as yow may let the brute goe) desseingned to ruine and overthrowe, at theire retorne home, the whole Catholiques, and to vsurpe the crowne, not onlie against me and all other lawfull pretenders thervnto, but against theire owne queene 7° that now is, if she will not altogether committ her selfe to theire onlie governement. The same pretextes may serve to found and establishe amongest yow all an association and confederation generall, as done onlye for your owne just preservations and defence, as well in religion, as lives, landes and goodes, against the oppression and attemptes of the said Puritans, withowt towchinge directlye, by writinge, any thinge against the Queene,. but rather shewinge your selves willinge to maynteyne her, and her lawfull heires after her, vnnaminge me.

The affaires beinge thus prepared, and forces in readines both withowt and within the realme, then shall it be tyme [to sett the sixe gentilmen to worke, taking order vpon the accomplisshinge of theire desseinge] I may be sodaynlye transported owt of 8° this place, and that all your forces in the same time be on the hide to meete me, in tarryinge for the arrivall of the foraine aide, which then must be hastened with all diligence.

[Now for that there can be no certayne daye appointed of the accomplisshinge of the said gentilmens dessignement, to the end that others may be in readines to take me from hence, I wold that the said gentilmen had alwaies abowte them, or at the least at courte, a fower stowte men, furnished with good and speedie horses, for so sone as the said desseinge shalbe executed, to come with all diligence to advertise therof those that shalbe 10° appointed for my transportinge; to the ende that immediatlye thereafter, they may be at the place of my aboade, before that my keper can have advise of the execution of the said desseinge, or at the least before he can fortihe him selfe within the howse or carrie me owt of the same. It weare necessarie to dispatche twoe or three of the said advertisers by divers wayes, to the end that if the one be staied, the other may come throwghe; and at the same instant, weare it also needfull to assaye to cutt of the postes ordynarie wayes],

Tliis is the platt, wich I hnde best for this enterprise, and the order wheareby yow shuld conducte the same for our comon securities. For sturringe on this side, before yow be well assured of sufficient forraine forces, it weare but for nothinge to putt your selves in danger of followinge the miserable fortune of such as have heretofore travailed in like occations; and to take me forth of this place, vnbeing before well assured to sett me in 12° the middest of a good armie or in some verie good strengthe, wheare I may saHye staye on the assemblye of your forces and arrivall of the said foraine succors, it weare sufficient cause geven to that queene, in catching me againe, to inclose me for ever in some hole, forth of the wich I shuld neuer escape, if she did vse me no worse, and to pursue with all extremitie those that had assisted me, wich wold greve me more then all the vnhapp might fall vpon myself. And therfore must I nedes yet once againe admonishe yow so earnestlye as I can, to looke and to take heede most carefullye and vigilantlye to compasse and assure so well all that shalbe necessarie for the effectuatinge of the said enterprise, as with the grace of God yow maie bringe the same to a happie ende; remittinge to the judgement of our principall frendes on this side with whom yow have to deale, herein to ordaine, to conclude vpon this present (wich shall serve yow onlie for an ouuerture and proposition) as yow shall amongest yow find best; and to your selfe in perticuler I referre to assure 9° the gentilmen above mentioned of all that shalbe requisite of my parte for the entier execution of theire good willes. I leave also to your comon resolutions to advise (in case theire desseingment do not take hold as may happen) whether yow will or not pursue my transporte and the execution of the rest of the enterprise. 13° But if the mishap shuld falle out, that yow might not come by me, being sett in the Tower of London or in anie other strengthe with greater garde, yet notwithstandinge, leave not for Godes sake to proceede in the rest of the enterprise, for I shall at anie time dye most contented, vnderstandinge of your deliverie forth 6° of the servitude whearein yovv are holden as slaves. I shall essaie, that at the same time that the woorke shalbe in hande in these parties, to make the Catholikes of Scotland arise and to putt my sonne in their handes, to the effecte that from thence our enemies here may not prevaile of any succore. I wold also 6° that some sturringe in Irland weare labored for, and to be begonne some while before that anye thinge were done here, to the ende the alarme might be geven therbye on the flatt contrarie side that the stroke shuld come from.

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All About History Books

The Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke. Baker was a secular clerk from Swinbroke, now Swinbrook, an Oxfordshire village two miles east of Burford. His Chronicle describes the events of the period 1303-1356: Gaveston, Bannockburn, Boroughbridge, the murder of King Edward II, the Scottish Wars, Sluys, Crécy, the Black Death, Winchelsea and Poitiers. To quote Herbert Bruce 'it possesses a vigorous and characteristic style, and its value for particular events between 1303 and 1356 has been recognised by its editor and by subsequent writers'. The book provides remarkable detail about the events it describes. Baker's text has been augmented with hundreds of notes, including extracts from other contemporary chronicles, such as the Annales Londonienses, Annales Paulini, Murimuth, Lanercost, Avesbury, Guisborough and Froissart to enrich the reader's understanding. The translation takes as its source the 'Chronicon Galfridi le Baker de Swynebroke' published in 1889, edited by Edward Maunde Thompson. Available at Amazon in eBook and Paperback.

Your reasons to have some generall heade or cheefe me thinkes are verie pertinent, and therfore weare it good to sownde obscurelye for the purpose the Earle of Arundell or some of his breath ren, and likewise to seeke vpon the younge Earle of Northumberland, if he be at libertie. From over sea the Earle of Westmerland may be had, whose howse and name may much, yow knowe, in the north partes, as also the Lord Pagett, of good abilitie in some shires hereabout. Both the one and the other 4° may be brought home secretlye, amongest wich some mo of the principall banished, if the enterprise be once resolute. The said Lord Pagett is now in Spaine, and may treate there all, wiche by his brother Charles or directlie by him selfe, yow will committ vnto him towchinge this affaire. Beware that none of your messingers whom yow send forthe of the realme carrie over anie letters vpon them selves, but make theire dispatches be convayed after or before them by some other. Take heede of spies and false brethren that are amongest yow, speciallye of some preestes, alreadye practised by our enemies for your discoverie, and in anie wise, kepe never any paper abowt yow that in anie sorte may do harme, for from such like errors have some¹ the onlye condemnation of all such as have suffred heretofore, against whom cold there otherwise have bene nothing proved. Discover as litle as yow can your names and intentions to the French ambassador now lieger at London, for althowghe he be, as I vnderstande, a verie honest gentilman, of good conscience and religion, yett feare I that his master intertaineth with the Queene a course farre contrarietoour dess[eig]nementes, wich may move him to crosse vs, if it shold happen he had anie particuler knowlege therof.

Note 1. The Record Office copies read "come".

All this while past I have suted¹ to change and remove from this howse, and for answer the castle of Dudleye onlie hath beene named to serve the turne, so as by apparance, with in the ende of this sommer, I may goe thither; wherefore advise that so sone as I shalbe there, of what provision may be had abowt that parte for my escape from thence. If I staie here, there is for that purpose three ineanes followinge to be looked for; — the first, that at one certaine daie, appointed in my walkinge abroade on horsebackeon the moores betwixt this and Stafforde, wheare ordynarilie, yow knowe, verie fewe people doe passe, a fif tie or threescore men, well horsed and armed, come to take me there, as they may easelye, my keper havinge with him ordinarilie but eighteene or twentie horsemen, onlye with dagges. The seconde meane, is to come at midnight, or sone after, to sett fire in the barnes and stables, wich yow knowe are neare to the howse, and whilest that my gardian his servantes shall runne 11° forth to the tire, your companions (having everie one a marke wherby they may knowe one another vnder night) might surprise the howse, where I hope, with the fewe servantes I have abowt me, I were able to give yow correspondence; and the third, some that bringe cartes thither, ordynarilye cominge earlye in the morning, their cartes might be so prepared and with suche carteleaders, that beinge just in the middest of the greate gate, the cartes might falle downe and overwhelme, and that thervpon yow might come suddainelye with your followers to make your selfe master of the howse and carrie me awaye. So yow might do easilye before that ever aine nomber of soldiars (who lodge in sundrie places forth of this place, some halfe and some a whole mile of) might come to the releefe.

Note 1. The Record Office copies read "sued".

[Indorsed']: — 17 Julye, 1586. The Q. of Scottes to Anth. Babington.

Babington Plot

(e) Babington (age 24) to Mary (age 43). 3 August, 1586.

Four copies of this letter exist in the Record Office, three in English and one in French (S. P. Mary Q. of S. xix. nos. 9-12). It was the last letter that Babington wrote to Mary before his capture. Babington was probably quite right in accusing Maude of treachery, but it was of course not Maude, but Babington's own letters, which revealed his plans to the English Government¹.

Note 1. This man Maude is an elusive fellow, and probably if more could be found out about him, more light could be thrown upon this whole matter. Camden declared that he was one of Walsingham's spies and that he accompanied Ballard on his voyage to France and wrung from him all his secrets (Annals of Eliz. (ed. 1635) p. 302). Robert Poley in his confession (S. P. Mary Q. of S. xix no. 26) said that Babington told him that Maude and Ballard went to France together. This confirms Camden's statement in part. It appears also from the confession of one Tipping, a man who was examined in connection with the Babington plot, that Maude accompanied Ballard when he went north in June 1586 (cf. Summary of Confessions. S. P. Mary Q. of S. xix no. 91 p. 28). Neither of these witnesses however confirms Camden's statement that Maude was a spy of Walsingham. Yet the presumption is that such was the case. The strange silence in regard to him is significant. Though accused by both Poley and Tipping, he was never called into question. This curious neglect of his case struck Edward Windsor, one of those who were more or less implicated in Babington's schemes but who escaped death to suffer imprisonment in the Tower. On the 30th of May 1587 he complained bitterly in a letter to Sir Christopher Hatton that though Maude had been, first to last, deeply implicated in the conspiracy, he had never been brought to trial (R.O. S.P. Dorn, cci, no. 50).

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[3rd August 1586]. Your letters I receaved not vntill the xxixth of Julye. The cause was my absence from Lichefild, contrarie to promise. How dangerous the cause therof was, by my next letters shalbe imparted at large. In the meane tyme, your Majestie may vnderstande that one Maude (that came out of France with Ballarde, who came from Mendoza concerninge this affaire) is discovered to be for this state. Ballard acquaynted him with the cause of his comminge, and hathe imployed him of late into Scotland with letters; by whose trecherie vnto my extreame danger my selfe have beene, and the whole plott is like to be brought; and by what meanes wee haue in parte prevented, and purpose by Godes assistance to redresse the rest, your Majestie shall be by my next letter informed. Till when, my Severainge, (for His sake that preserveth your Majestie for our comon good) dismaye not, neither dowt of happie issue. It is Godes cause, the Churches and your Majesties, an enterprise honorable before God and man, vndertaken vpon zeale and devotion, free from all ambition and temporall regard, and therfore no dowt will succeede happelie. Wee have vowed and wee will performe or dye. What is holden of your mo propositions, together with our finall determinations, my next shall discover. In the meane time, restinge inhnitelye bound to your Highnes for the great confidence it hath pleased yow to repose in me, wich to deserve by all faithfull service, I vowe before the face of our Lord Jesus, whom I beseech to graunte your Majestie a longe and prosperous rainge, and vs happie successe in these our vertuous enteprises. London, this third of August.

[Indorsed]: — 3 August, 1586. Anth. Babington to the Q. of Scottes.