Biography of Geoffrey de Charny 1306-1356

In or before 1306 [his father] Jean de Charny and [his mother] Marguerite de Joinville were married.

Around 1306 Geoffrey de Charny was born to [his father] Jean de Charny and [his mother] Marguerite de Joinville.

Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke [-1360]. In this year, after the feast of Saint Martin, there assembled at Calais¹ the Bishop of Norwich (age 50), the Earl of Lancaster, the Earl of Suffolk (age 50), and Lord Walter Mauny (age 38) on the part of the English; and on the part of the French, the Bishop of Lyon, the Duke of Bourbon, the Duke of Dauphiné, the Count of Guînes, the Lord of Tancarville, and Lord Geoffrey de Charny (age 42), for the purpose of renewing the truces. But the Earl of Lancaster refused to give his assent until two fortifications at Calais, which were harmful and built contrary to the terms of the previous truces, had been demolished. Once that had been done, the truces were renewed, set to last until the first day of December of the following year.

Isto anno, post festum sancti Martini, convenerunt apud Calesiam episcopus Norwycensis, comes Lancastrie, comes Suthfolchie, et dominus Walterus Magne, ex parte Anglorum; item, episcopus Lugdunensis, dux de Burbone et dux Dactenes et comes de Gynes et dominus de Tankerville et dominus Galfridus de Charny, ex parte Francorum, pro treugis renovandis; quibus noluit comes Lancastrie assentire, quousque duo fortalicia Calesie nociva et contra formam pristinarum treugarum edificata fuerant diruta. Quo facto, renovate sunt treuge, usque ad primum diem Decembris anni proximo futuri durature.

Note 1. The commission to the English envoys is dated 25th September 1348. The French envoys were Hugues, bishop of Laon, Jean de Nesle, sire d'Offemont, Geoffroi de Charny, and the master of the crossbowmen. The prolongation of the truce to the 1st September (not December) of the following year was agreed to on the 13th November. Rymer's Fœdera 3.173, 177. Baker appears to have confused the negotiations of this and the next year.

Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke [-1360]. In this year,¹ on the feast of Saint Nicholas [6th December 1352], Pope Clement VI died, and was succeeded by Pope Innocent, also the sixth of that name. This Pope Innocent, out of a deep desire for peace, sent the Cardinal of Bologna to Calais, to hear discussions of a final peace between the kingdoms of England and France. There, councils from both kingdoms gathered with full authority to negotiate and establish terms of the said peace. Eventually, they came to an agreement: that the King of England would renounce all his rights to the Kingdom of France, and would give up the royal title of "King of France". In return, he would hold the Duchy of Aquitaine, along with the Counties of Artois and Guînes, for himself and his successors, as kings of England, without owing fealty or homage to the King of France in any way whatsoever. To these conditions, the pious King Edward, King of England and France, gave his devout and willing assent, for the sake of peace in Christendom. Then, to secure the validity of these agreements, solemn envoys from both kingdoms were sent to the Apostolic See. On behalf of the King of England were the Bishop of Norwich, the Duke of Lancaster, the Earl of Arundel, and several knights. After they arrived in Avignon, they were joined by: the Archbishop of Rouen, the Duke of Bourbon, Geoffrey de Charny (age 46), and other members of the French council. All the envoys were received with great honour. The Duke of Lancaster, in particular, was met by many cardinals and bishops, who escorted him for two miles to the city and the Pope's palace. At last, in the consistory of the Supreme Pontiff, in the presence of the Pope, the cardinals, and the envoys of both kingdoms, the matters were presented. After hearing them, the English envoys requested that the agreements previously made at Calais, between themselves and the French envoys present, be confirmed. The French replied that while they willingly desired peace, as for Aquitane and the named counties, the King of France, and they themselves, could not and would not consent to their being separated from the integrity of the kingdom, to which they were sworn, and to which those lands rightfully belonged. However, they would agree that useful lordship over those territories could be granted to the King of England, as his ancestors had held Aquitaine, provided that the royal sovereignty of the French crown was preserved. The English, considering that this retained sovereignty had historically caused war, through disputes over homage and fealty, insisted that for a true and lasting peace, the said territories should be granted absolutely and unconditionally to their king, as had previously been agreed at Calais and, according to the Cardinal of Bologna, confirmed by authorized parties. Yet at Avignon, this request was firmly denied. The English responded to the French concern about their oath of loyalty to the integrity of the realm, arguing that the Pope could, if he so chose, absolve them from that oath for the sake of peace, at least regarding the specific articles in question. And that it would be wise to do so. Nevertheless, the Pope did not change or enact anything that would notably advance the peace of the Church or the kingdoms. As a result, the envoys, who had been sent to Avignon at great expense, returned with nothing achieved, except that: The Bishop of Norwich, a man of great wisdom, died and was buried there. He was succeeded by Lord Thomas de Percy, by papal appointment and at the request of the envoys.

Isto anno, in die sancti Nicholai obiit Clemens papa sextus, cui successit Innocencius papa, eciam sextus. Iste papa Innocencius, pro magno pacis desiderio, misit Calesiam cardinalem Bononiensem, auditurum tractatum de pace finali inter regna Anglie et Francie, cui confluxerunt concilia duorum regnorum cum plena autoritate tractandi et constituendi condiciones pacis prefate; et in hoc tandem consenserunt, quod rex Anglie resignaret totum ius suum quod habuit in regnum Francie et dimitteret nomen regium Francorum, et haberet pro tanto ducatum Aquitannie et comitatus Dartoys et de Gynes, pro se et suis successoribus regibus Anglorum, absque hoc quod de rege Francie illa teneret quomodocumque. Istis condicionibus pius Edwardus, rex Anglie et Francie, pium et benevolum prebuit assensum, pro devocione pacis Christianitatis. Tandem pro assecuritacione tantarum convencionum mittuntur ad sedem apostolicam nuncii solempnes utriusque regni. Quippe a latere regis Anglie fungebantur ista legacione episcopus Norwicensis, dux Lancastrie, comes Darundel, et alii milites; quibus profectis Avinionam accesserunt archiepiscopus Rotomagensis, dux Borbonie, Galfridus de Charny et alii de concilio Francorum. Omnes nuncii fuerunt in honoure magno recepti; duci quidem Lancastrie obviaverunt multi cardinales et episcopi, qui a duobus miliaribus ipsum conduxerant ad civitatem et pallacium domini pape. Tandem in consistorio summi pontificis ipso et cardinalibus atque nunciis utriusque presentibus, fuerunt exposite cause nunciorum; quibus auditis, Anglici pecierunt convenciones confirmari, dudum apud Calesiam inter seipsos et nuncios Francie ibidem presentes constitutas Anglicis Gallici responderunt, quod libenter vellent pacem; set de Aquitannia et de prefatis comitatibus, ut dixerunt, non posset rex Francie, set nec ipsi assentirent, quod de integritate regni, ad quam rex et ipsi fuerant iurati, forent, cum omni iure quo predicto regno pertinebant, alienata; bene tamen consentirent quod utile dominium predictorum ducatus et comitatuum regi Anglie devolveretur sicud habuerunt Aquitanniam sui antecessores, ita tamen quod regalitas regie corone Francie reservaretur. Anglici vero, considerantes quod regalitas predicta pro dilacione homagiorum et liganciarum solebat antiquos reges Anglie et Francie ad discrimina guerrarum commovere, pecierunt, pro habenda pace perpetua, quod prefata dominia forent absolute et sine condicione suo regi concessa, ut premittitur. Que peticio, quamvis nuper apud Calesiam, ut testabatur cardinalis Bononiensis, fuerat admissa et per habentes autoritatem confirmata, tamen ibi fuit pertinaciter denegata, Fuit eciam responsum racioni Gallicorum de sui regis et suo iuramento, quo videlicet fuerunt obligati ad conservandam integritatem honouris regni et illi pertinencium, quod scilicet dominus papa, si eii placeret, posset pro bono pacis eos absolvere a predicto iuramento, et hoc quoad certos articulos premissos foret consulte faciendum. Attamen per papam nihil fuit innovatum neque reformatum, quod ad pacem ecclesie et regnorum notabiliter valeret. Propterea nuncii ad graves expensas illuc destinati sine effectu revertebantur, dempto quod episcopo Norwycensi, viro magne sapientie ibidem obeunti et sepulto, successit dominus Thomas de Percy, provisione domini pape et instancia nunciorum.

Note 1. Clement died on the 6th December 1352. Baker at once plunges into the negotiations of 1354. The cardinal of Boulogne was Guidon de Boulogne, archbishop of Lyons, who was made cardinal in 1342, and bishop of Porto in 1350; he died in 1373. A truce was agreed to on the 6th April (Rymer's Fœdera 3.276), to last for a year, and it was arranged that both sides should send ambassadors to negotiate a peace in presence of the pope. The English ambassadors, the bishops of Norwich and London, the duke of Lancaster, the earl of Arundel, and others were appointed on the 28th August (Rymer's Fœdera 3.283). The French ambassadors were Pierre, due de Bourbon, and Pierre de la Foret, archbishop of Rouen.

Knighton 2608

Avesbury 420-1

On 19th September 1356 Geoffrey de Charny (age 50) died.

Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke [-1360]. On the day following the battle, the prisoners were counted:¹ the one called by his own people the King of the French; likewise, Lord Philip, his son; also the Archbishop of Sens; the Count of Ponthieu; the Count of Eu; the Count of Longueville; the Count of Tancarville; the Count of Auxerre; the Count of Ventadour; the Count of Sancerre; the Count of Vaudémont; the Count of Vendôme; the Count of Joinville; the Count of Dammartin; the Count of Salabruges; the Count of La Marche; the Viscount of Narbonne; Lord Daubigny; Marshal d'Audenham; Lord Guinchard of Angle; the Seneschal of Saintonge; Lord Maurice Mawmynet; Lord Reginald de Gouilloy; the Seneschal of Poitou; the Grand Preceptor or Master of the Hospital in Spain; Lord de Saint-Tiger; Lord d'Aubois; the Seneschal of Auvergne; Lord de la Tour; Lord d'Arz; Lord d'Urval; Lord de la Ville Ernal de Maungeler; Lord de Planques; the Viscount of Beaumont; and Lord de Sully. Also discovered were the bodies of the slain:² the Duke of Bourbon, the Duke of Athens, the Constable of France, the Marshal of Clermont, Lord Geoffrey de Charny, Lord de Pons, the Bishop of Châlons, Lord de Landas, Lord de Rippemont, Lord de Chaveny, Lord de Joigny, Lord de Néel, Lord d'Aunger, Lord of Mont-Jean, Lord Dargenton, Lord de Broce, Lord de Râs, Lord de Rochechouart, and Lord de Vilain. All the captives were purchased by the prince from those who had taken them, and he brought them to Bordeaux to be held in secure custody.

Proxima die post prelium, connumerati sunt captivi: coronatus, qui vocatur a suis rex Francorum; item, dominus Philippus, filius eius; item, archiepiscopus Senonensis, comes Pontivie, comes Du, comes de Longeville, comes de Tankelville, comes Daunterre, comes de Vendadowr, comes de Sauncerre, comes de Wademont, comes de Vendomsne, comes de Juyny, comes Donmartyn, comes de Salabruse, comes de Sasso, vicecomes Nerbone, dominus Daubyni, marescallus Dawdenam, dominus Guynchard de Angle, senescallus de Centonge, dominus Mauricius Mawmynet, dominus Reginaldus de Guoylhoy, senescallus Pictavie, magnus preceptor sive magister hospitalis Ispanie, dominus de Saint Tyger, dominus Damboyde, senescallus de Auvare, dominus de la Tour, dominus Dars, dominus Durval, dominus de la Ville Ernal de Maungeler, dominus de Plaunke, vicecomes de Bello monte, et dominus de Sully. Corpora quoque reperta fuerunt occisorum, ducis de Burbone, ducis Datenes, constabularii Francie, marescalli de Claro monte, domini Godefridi de Charny, domini de Pouns, episcopi Chalonensis, domini de Laundas, domini de Rippemont, domini de Chaveny, domini de Ioole, domini de Neel, domini de Aunger, domini de Mount Iohan, domini Dargentone, domini de Broose, domini de Raas, domini de Rochechicheward, et domini de Vilem. Omnes captivos a suis magistris princeps emit, et adduxit Burdegalim, custodie secure deputandos.

Note 1. A list of the French killed and prisoners was enclosed in the letter announcing the victory from the prince of Wales to the bishop of Worcester, printed by Sir N. H. Nicolas, Chronicle of London (1827), p. 207.

Another is given by Avesbury 469.

And another is found in the letter of Bartholomew, lord Burghersh, printed by Coxe, The Black Prince, p. 369.

Bouchet, Annales d'Acquitaine, also prints a list of the slain who were buried in churches at Poitiers, reprinted by Buchon in his edition of Froissart 1.355. "The prisoners here named, besides the king and his youngest son Philippe le Hardi, are: Guillaume de Melun, archbishop of Sens; Jacques de Bourbon, comte de la Marche et de Ponthieu; Jean d'Artois, comte d'Eu; Charles d'Artois, comte de Longueville; Jean de Melun, comte de Tancarville; Jean de Chalon, comte d'Auxerre; Bernard, comte de Ventadour; Jean, comte de Sancerre; Henri, sire de Joinville, comte de Vaudemont; Jean, comte de Vendome; Jean de Noyers, comte de Joigny; Charles de Trie, comte de Dammartin; John, count of Saarbruck; John, count of Nassau; Aimeri Manrique de Lara vicomte de Narbonne; Louis d'Aubigny; marshal Arnoul d'Audrehem; Guichard d' Angle, seneschal of Saintogne; Maurice Mauvinet, seneschal of Touraine; Renaud de Guilhon, seneschal of Poitou; Juan Fernandez de Heredia, castellan of Amposta (here called the grand preceptor or master of the Hospitallers in Spain); Geoffroi de Saint-Dizier; Ingerger, sire d'Amboise, seneschal of Auvergne; Bertrand, sire de la Tour; Guichard, sire d'Arx; Bonabès de Rougé, sire de Derval; sire de Ville-Arnoul; Jean de Maignelais; Jean de Plaunche, or Blaunche; Louis de Brienne, vicomte de Beaumont; and Louis, sire de Sully.

The list sent to the bishop of Worcester adds 1933 "men-at-arms"; Avesbury, "more than 2,000 men-at-arms"; and Burghersh, "2,500 persons, of whom 2,000 were men-at-arms."

Note 2. The names of the killed, as here given, are: Pierre, due de Bourbon; Gauthier de Brienne, due d'Athenes, constable; Jean de Clermont, marshal; Geoffroi de Charny, bearer of the oriflamme; Renaud de Pons; Renaud Chauveau, bishop of Chalons-sur-Marne; Jean de Mortagne, sire de Landas; Eustache de Ribemont; Andrd de Chauvigny; Jean de L'Isle; Guillaume de Nesle; Jean de Sancerre; the sire de Montjouan; the sire d'Argenton; Louis de Chauvigny, vicomte de Brosse; Robert de Duras; Jean, vicomte de Rochechouart; Jean de Thil-en-Auxois, sire de Chateau-Vilain.

In addition, the list sent to the bishop of Worcester declares that 2426 'men-at-arms' were slain; Avesbury; and Burghersh.

Froissart Book 4: 1346-1356. [317] The noble King of England had pity on the Lombard, whom he had greatly loved, for he had raised him from childhood. So he said: 'Aymeri, if you will do what I tell you, I will pardon my anger against you.' Aymeri, much comforted by these words, said: 'My lord, yes. Whatever it may cost me, I will do all that you command.' — 'I wish,' said the king, 'that you pursue your bargain; and I shall be so strong within the town of Calais, on the day appointed, that the French shall not have it, as they believe. And to help you excuse yourself, so God help me, I hold Sir Geoffrey de Charny more to blame than you, for he has schemed this thing during a good truce.'

Li gentilz rois d'Engleterre eut pité dou Lombart, que moult avoit amet, car il l'avoit nouri d'enfance; si dist: "Aymeri, se tu voes faire ce que je te dirai, je te pardonrai mon mautalent." Aymeris, qui grandement se reconforta de ceste parole, dist: "Monsigneur, oil. Je ferai, quoique couster me doie, tout ce que vous me commanderés."—"Je voeil, dist li rois, que tu poursieves ton marchiet; et je serai si fors en le ville de Calais, à le journée, que li François ne l'aront mies, ensi qu'il cuident. Et pour toy aidier à escuser, se Diex me vaille, j'en sçai pieur gré messire Joffroy de Chargni que toy, qui en bonnes triewes a ce pourchaciet."

Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke [-1360]. With both armies drawn up and dawn breaking on Sunday morning, a certain cardinal from Périgord¹ came to the prince and solemnly urged him, by the honour of God crucified, by the love of His Virgin Mother, by reverence for ecclesiastical peace, and by the desire to spare the shedding of Christian blood, to delay the battle for a time, so that he might attempt to negotiate a peace. He promised that such peace would be honourable, provided he was allowed to act as mediator. The prince, untouched by any tyrannical impulse, neither feared battle nor rejected peace. He modestly consented to the holy father's request. Thus, throughout that entire day, which was designated for peace talks, the French army increased by a thousand men-at-arms and a vast multitude of commoners. On the following day, Monday, the cardinal returned and, on behalf of the crowned king [of France], requested a truce lasting a full year. This the prince refused. However, at the cardinal's strong insistence, he agreed to a truce lasting until Christmas. The cardinal then returned to the crowned king and asked that he grant the truce matching the prince's offer. Although the marshal of Clermont advised the king to accept, the request was opposed by Marshal d'Audenham, Geoffrey de Charny, and William Douglas the Scot, toward whose counsel the king strongly inclined.

Utriusque dispositis aciebus, aurora Dominice lucis rutilante, venit ad principem quidam cardinalis Petragorisensis, et adiuravit eum per honourem Dei passi crucifixi et amorem Virginis matris eius reverenciamque pacis ecclesiastice atque parcitatem effusionis sanguinis Christiani, quod placeret sibi bellum suspendere per tempus quo posset tractare de pace; quam promisit futuram honourabilem per suam intercessionem, si tamen intercedere permitteretur. Princeps vero, nulla penitus tyrranide tactus, nec bellum timuit nec pacem recusavit, set prefati sancti patris peticioni modeste condescendit. Unde per totam illam diem, reparacioni pacis assignatam, crevit exercitus Francigenum mille viris armorum et popularium ingenti multitudine. In crastino, scilicet die Lune, rediit cardinalis petens ex parte coronati treugam annalem, quam negavit princeps; tamen ad cardinalis magnam instanciam concessit treugas adusque festum Natalis Christi duraturas. Reversus itaque cardinalis poposcit a coronato pacis inducias, iuxta concessionem domini principis concedendas; cuius peticioni, marescallo de Claromonte concessum coronati admonente, obiecerunt se marescallus Dawdenam, Galfridus de Charny et Dowglas Scotus, quibus coronatus veementer animum inclinavit.

Note 1. Talleyrand de Perigord, sometime bishop of Auxerre, became cardinal in 1331; died in 1364. See the account of his indefatigable endeavours to prevent the battle, as given in Jean Le Bel 233.

Froissart 380

Froissart 381

Froissart 382

Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke [-1360]. Not long after these events, some scouts reported that the crowned king had advanced his camp toward ours, and they advised the lord prince to choose a site for battle and to organize his army so that the enemy might not find them unprepared while themselves already drawn up in order. Immediately,¹ the prince and all those with him, resolved to fight on foot, entrusted their chargers and horses to the care of grooms, to be retrieved only if pursuing the enemy. However, a few among the army remained mounted, ready to engage in combat according to the customs of knightly tournaments. The first division of the prince's army was commanded by the Earls of Warwick and Oxford; the second was under the prince himself; and the third was led by the Earls of Salisbury and Suffolk. In total,² the prince's army comprised exactly 4,000 men-at-arms, 1,000 servants, and 2,000 archers.

Nec multum post hec asserentes alii discopertores coronatum promovisse castra versus nostros consuluerunt dominum principem locum certaminis eligere et exercitum ordinare, ne inordinatos hostes ordinati reperirent. Statim princeps et omnes alii secum, pedites consteturi, dextrarios et equos tutele garcionum commiserunt, ad hostium venacionem resumendos. Pauci tamen inter exercitus equitarunt, parati secundum morem hastiludiis guerrariis. Prima cohors exercitus nostri comitibus Warewici et Oxonie comittebatur; secunde princeps imperabat; et tercia comitibus Saresburie et Suthfolchie committebatur. In toto exercitu domini principis fuerant precise quatuor milia togatorum, mille servientes, et duo milia sagittariorum.

Note 1. Before reviewing the details of Baker's account of the battle, Stow Annales, 408.

Baker's account of the battle of Poitiers is very valuable. His details are unusually clear. They were evidently supplied by one who had taken part in the action, and they compare very favourably with the somewhat perplexed narrative of Froissart the chief authority upon which all descriptions of the battle have been based. Following the story in our chronicle, one can draw a plan of the battle so well that, on comparing it with the actual surveys of the ground, one is quite satisfied that we have here no mere fanciful picture of what happened. It is seldom that one meets with so precise a description of a battle in the chronicles of the middle ages. The English army was divided into three battles: 1. the vanguard under Warwick and Oxford, 2. the main-guard under the prince, and 3. the rear-guard under Salisbury and Suffolk. The first and third (carelessly called the second) battles were drawn up on ground, which was separated from the open space occupied by the French by a long hedge and ditch. The position was a plateau which sloped down on the right into a valley, the bottom marshy and watered by a stream; the hedge following the slope and running down into the marsh. On this slope Warwick with the first division was posted; higher up, on his left rear, stood the third division, drawn up on level ground and within reach of a gap in the upper part of the hedge. This gap was an opening to allow the passage of carts, and, no doubt, was approached by a road of some sort. It had an important bearing on the fortunes of the day, and its existence has apparently been the main cause why the battle has been so often described as a mere struggle in a deep lane. The prince's division was led across the marshy valley on the right and took possession of a hill on the right front, partly covered with vines and brambles which concealed the movement from the enemy. The horsemen, with the exception of a small body reserved for skirmishing, were dismounted; and archers of the first and third battles were posted in the marshy ground in front of the first division, and along the hedge.

Before proceeding to examine the French attack, let us see how far this statement of the English position agrees with that found in the pages of Froissart. The report brought back to the French king by Eustache de Ribemont, who had been sent out with others to reconnoitre, is put into these words [Froissart 379].

For the moment it may be noted that, reading this passage by the light of another version, as given in the Amiens MS., it would seem that the italicized words voie and haie have been accidentally transposed. The Amiens version is as follows Froissart 379, Note 1.

Although the two versions differ in certain expressions, the second being manifestly the better written, the general meaning cannot be mistaken. Froissart plainly says that the English position could only be approached by a road which was flanked on either side by the archers who lined the hedge. But, although at the beginning of his first version he uses the words "fortified with hedges and bushes," and although, in describing the charge of the French cavalry, he says that they "entered into the lane where the thick and dense hedge was on both sides," he nowhere mentions two distinct hedges bordering the two sides of the road; in other words, he did not mean an ordinary road running between hedges. On the contrary, he distinctly speaks of one single hedge: "alongside a hedge," "that hedge," etc., in agreement with Baker's single "ditched hedges," which covered the English front. This being so, we may reconcile the varying statements of the two chroniclers by assuming that at the gap spoken of by Baker a road entered the field from the country beyond, and that at this point the hedge trended back and so flanked the road on either side for some little distance into the field.

If in Froissart's account we really have the actual words or substance of Ribemont's report, it seems that the French reconnoitring party must have taken their chief view of the English forces through the gap; and that the particulars given of the disposition of the dismounted men-at-arms and archers apply chiefly to Salisbury's division in the rear. The report says that at the crown or end of the road, that is, facing the gap, the men-at-arms were placed, with a double rank of archers in their front, disposed in open formation like the points of a harrow Froissart 379 The occupation of the hill on the right is noticed, and the left flank is said to have been protected with trenches and waggons. Such entrenchments, Froissart tells us in another place, were made during the fruitless negotiations on the Sunday [Froissart 382, Froissart 383].

With regard, however, to the body of horsemen and archers held ready to attack the flank of the duke of Normandy's division, the manoeuvre being almost the same as that described by Baker as executed against king John's division by the captal de Buch, it would seem that Froissart may be describing, though incorrectly, the latter attack; at the same time there may have been, though not probably, two distinct movements.

The French army attacked in three main battles on foot, led by an advanced guard, or rather a forlorn hope of three hundred picked horsemen, chosen, by Ribemont's advice, to ride down the English archers and thus clear the way for the overwhelming weight of the three solid 'battles.' The first of these was commanded by the dauphin Charles, duke of Normandy; the second by Philip, duke of Orleans, the king's brother; and the third by the king in person. The cavalry in advance was led, on the left, by the marshal Arnoul d'Audrehem, and, on the right, by the marshal Jean de Clermont, and was supported by a contingent of German horsemen.

To resume Baker's narrative: The movement of the prince of Wales's division to occupy the hill on the right front led the French to think that the English were retreating. Accordingly, the French cavalry advanced to the attack and some jousting took place between their left and the English knights who rode out in front of Warwick's division. Awaiting the result of this skirmish d'Audrehem kept his men in hand; Clermont on the right made straight for the gap in the hedge with the intention of taking Warwick in rear, but was met by Salisbury's "battle," which was moved forward, the English rear-guard thus coming first into action. Here the English archers ("positioned securely on the mound above the ditch and beyond the hedge") were terribly effective; but those of Warwick's (first) division, posted in the marsh, though out of reach of the enemy, could do little against the armour-clad horsemen, until moved by Oxford into a position (probably on the slope of the hill on the right) whence their arrows could hit the horses' hind-quarters. Thus the French cavalry were repulsed, and driven back upon their own advancing infantry, Clermont being slain and Audrehem a prisoner. Pursuit was restrained, and the English front consolidated by the union of the first and second battles. From this statement we must understand that the prince's division [or the main part of it] was brought down from the hill which it had occupied^a and joined to that of Warwick; but four hundred men were held in reserve. Then followed the onset of the second French line, or the first infantry division, under the dauphin, which, after a struggle, was repulsed,^b the English again being held well in hand. We hear nothing from Baker of Orleans' division, which, as we learn from Froissart retreated from the field without striking a blow, leaving only king John's "battle" to be accounted for. This division, the largest, now advanced to the attack, and it is said that some of the English began to lose courage at the sight, one of the faint-hearted bringing down upon himself a sharp rebuke from the prince. Then was executed a flank movement by a small body (the numbers here given being apparently too low) of mounted men and archers under the captal de Buch, who was despatched round the hill on the right to fall upon the French rear. This was the moment chosen by the prince for the advance of the English line. His banner was carried forward; and, leading out his reserve, he charged down upon the enemy. The French, thus taken in front and reverse, were broken up; and the battle was won.

Froissart's account differs from this in many points. According to him, the duke of Normandy's division, after being shaken by the recoil of the French cavalry, was attacked in flank by the force posted on the hill on the English right, and was then driven from the field by the prince of Wales's advance; while king John's division marched forward and engaged the first and third 'battles' under Warwick and Suffolk.

Knighton's account of the battle is of little or no value; but he mentions the exhaustion of the English after the repulse of the Dauphin's attack, and also gives a list of the French killed and prisoners: And they divided themselves into three battalions. The Earl of Warwick commanded the first battalion, and on the side of the French, the two Marshals of France commanded the first battalion. The second battalion was commanded by Lord Dauphin of Vienne, with his brother the Duke of Orléans, and it was the strongest. In the third battalion was the King of France, with 2,000 of the most select armed men in all France. Lord Geoffrey de Charny bore the red banner, which was the sign of death. The King of France issued an order that no Englishman was to be spared, except for the Prince himself. The Cardinals, before the battle, climbed up a certain hill nearby to watch the outcome of the battle. Now the first French battalion engaged with the Earl of Warwick, but was quickly subdued by the English archers. Marshal Clermont was killed, along with many others, as will be mentioned below. The Earl of Warwick pursued the fleeing enemies, killing some and capturing others. Meanwhile, the second French battalion arrived and joined battle with the Prince of Wales, fighting very fiercely through a hedge. The English became very weary due to the intensity of the combat, and their weapons were badly damaged. The fighting was so strong and hard that the archers, having run out of arrows, picked up stones, and with swords and lances, and whatever they could grab, they fought on. They defended themselves with clever and courageous hearts, and it is astonishing to tell. But finally, as God willed, the French took to flight. And while the English stood tired, catching their breath and hoping they had won victory over all their enemies, King John of France suddenly arrived with a huge force, leading a battalion against the Prince, who at that moment had only a few men with him, as the others were chasing the fleeing enemies. As the French began to engage the Prince's line, the Earl of Warwick returned from the pursuit with his full force, and attacked the flank of the French king's army, and fought bravely. And thus, by the grace of God and not by human strength, the victory was granted to the Prince, and he emerged victorious from the battle, capturing the King of France and his younger son Philip, the Count of Poitiers, and many other nobles.

The description to be found in the historical poem, "The Black Prince," by Chandos Herald^c.

Here it appears at first sight that the prince was in retreat when the battle began, his rear-guard being first attacked, and his vanguard being already "beyond the river". But, read by the light of Baker's chronicle and the manoeuvres therein so exactly described, the lines of Chandos take a different meaning; and we see that he is only narrating, but not so clearly, the movements whereby Salisbury's division in the rear was brought into action at the gap and the prince of Wales first occupied and then withdrew from the hill across the valley. That the prince drew up his forces with a view either to retreat or fight, he himself announces in his letter to the city of London, Nicolas, Chronicle of London, 206.

The battle of Poitiers was fought in the morning - Froissart 395on "plains of Maupertuis." The spot has been exactly identified. The ancient Maupertuis is now a farm called La Cardinerie, lying on the road between Poitiers and Nouaille, and about two kilometres from this village. The Miausson, a small winding stream flowing into the river Clain which passes by Poitiers, forms, near its source, the southern boundary of the field of battle. A long narrow valley passing from north-east to south-west and debouching on the stream, separates the position of La Cardinerie from a highland or ridge to which tradition has given the name of 'Champ de Bataille.' It was on this ridge that the battle was fought. Recent plans represent the line of the action to run north-west and south-east, the French advancing direct from Poitiers; but, unless the identification of the ground is altogether at fault, Baker's account goes to prove that the direct attack on the English position was made from the north. In support of this view it will be seen that La Chaboterie, the place at which the English came in contact with the French rear-guard on the Saturday before the battle, lies north of La Cardinerie; and again, Froissart tells us that the duke of Normandy retreated on Chauvigny, which he would have had some difficulty in doing, had he advanced direct from Poitiers. The French army being on the Poitiers-Chauvigny road, it would naturally march from that road as its base. Following Baker, then, we may venture to assume that Warwick's division was drawn up facing north, or nearly so, on the western slope of the valley just referred to; and that Salisbury stood on his left rear; their left being protected, as Froissart describes, by entrenchments, traces of which have been discovered. As regards the condition of the valley at the period of the battle, it is not too much to adopt Baker's description of it as marshy; and, although there is now no trace of a stream in it, the 'torrens' of which our chronicle speaks may have been some tiny brook, perhaps not much wider than a ditch, yet sufficiently troublesome for the passage of baggage-waggons. At all events it is quite clear that Baker cannot be speaking of the Miausson, the only stream now laid down near the field. Across the valley is the hill, lying behind La Cardinerie, which the prince's division occupied at the opening of the battle, and round which the captal de Buch led his men. That the prince of Wales, before taking possession of this hill, thought that it was already held by the enemy, and that, when he had taken up position there, he was 'attacking the enemies more vigorously,' is further proof that the French were approaching from the north.

Note a. That this was so, appears from the words subsequently used below.

Note b. The Frenchmen's 'non fugam set pulcram retraccionem,' p. 149, 1.18, is exactly the modern 'strategic movement to the rear.'.

Note c. Edited, with a translation and notes, by the Rev. H. O. Coxe, for the Roxburghe Club, in 1842. The work was again published by M. Francisque Michel in 1883, with a title in French and English, thus: Le Prince Noir, pome dtt Heraut Chandos, texte critique suivi de notes par Franrisque Michel, correspondant de F Institut de France, etc., etc. The Life and Feats of Arms of Edward the Black Prince, by Chandos Herald. A metrical chronicle with an English translation and notes by Francisque Michel, F.A.S. Load., Scot., and Normandy, etc., etc. It is worth while to quote the title in full, for it would hardly be believed that the introduction, notes, and the bulk of the translation (even misprints included), are bodily, or almost bodily, taken by M. Michel from Mr. Coxe's edition. M. Michel makes the most of presenting a more correct French text. But when he goes on to state that 'in the English rendering I have striven to be literal and to employ the corresponding English word, when possible, as an equivalent,' and even apologizes for want of 'elegance of expression,' one is scarcely prepared to find that the translation is absolutely Mr. Coxe's rendering with a few alterations.

Note 2. Baker's number of 7000, which he says is exact, may be accepted. The Bourgeois de Valenciennes, 290. Froissart 383 and again [Froissart 388]. In all these calculations the light armed men, the bidowers, brigands, and others, do not seem to be included.

Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke [-1360]. This stronghold had previously blocked the English from advancing inland, and provided great protection to the country from the raiders of Calais. Therefore, desiring to recover that place or to build another of equal value for the defence of the neighbouring region, the French council sent Geoffrey de Charny,¹ recently ransomed from English captivity, with authority to carry out the following actions. Along the road from Guînes to Calais, there was a place on the left that was strong yet devout, having a church in which consecrated virgins served God, and it was called La Bassée. It lay so close to the castle of Guînes that Englishmen standing outside their gate could shoot arrows into it. This monastery could easily be made defensible, for it had walls raised like a castle, and a high and spacious tower that served as a bell tower. Furthermore, it stood on marshland, and with little labour could be surrounded by a watery moat. Though the place was suspect for military use, the devotion to Jesus Christ had always restrained the English, who never harmed it, until the aforementioned Geoffrey, in violation of the truce, besieged Guînes with a strong armed force, expelled the nuns from the church, and attempted to turn the church and its surrounding wall into a fortress with a moat, around Pentecost of that year, when the waters allowed labour to proceed in the marsh. Thus, the garrison in Guînes, now besieged from the front, could barely escape through the water-filled ditches in boats, or through the impassable and swampy marsh, and the men of Calais were unable to send them food in any way due to the blockade and the occupation of La Bassée. The besieged garrison often came out and fought with those stationed at La Bassée, but they only managed to kill a few, sometimes with arrows, other times with other weapons. At last, on an agreed-upon day, the men of Calais joined forces with those from Oye and Marke, and on the other side, the garrison from Guînes came out to meet them. They killed many, put many more to flight, and finally burned all of La Bassée. With its walls torn down, everything was levelled to the ground.

Istud fortalicium solebat Anglicis opturare viam in patriam superiorem, prebens patrie magnam securitatem a forariis Calesie. Volens igitur concilium Francorum locum illum rehabere, aut aliud eiusdem utilitatis edificare pro tuicione patrie vicine, miserunt Galfridum de Charny, nuper redemptum de carcere Anglorum, cum autoritate faciendi que sequuntur. Itinerantibus de Gynes ad Calesiam erat quidam locus a sinistris fortis set devotus, habens ecclesiam in qua virgines consecrate servierunt Deo, et vocabatur Labascie; et ita castro de Gynes fuerat vicinus quod stantes Anglici extra portam sue municionis poterant illuc sagittare. Istud monasterium faciliter poterat fieri defensibile, habuit enim ad instar castri muros erectos et turrim arduam et amplam pro campanili; sedens insuper in marisco, modico labore poterat aquatica fossa concludi. Loco sancto quantumcumque suspecto tamen ob devocionem Iesu Christi omnes Anglici et semper pepercerunt, usque quo Galfridus prenominatus, in violacionem treugarum, cum potenti manu armata Gynes obsessit et moniales ab ecclesia dimovit, castrum de ecclesia et muro barbam ac toti fossam nisus fabricare; et hoc circa Pentecosten illius anni, quo tempore aquis non impedientibus poterant sui in marisco laborare. Itaque anterius obsessi castellani de Gynes vix poterant egredi per fossas aque plenas in cimbis aut per mariscum invium et aquosum, nec Calesienses poterant ipsos quomodocumque egenos victualiare propter obsidionem et custodiam de Labbastie. Pluries exierunt obsessi et dimicabant cum illis de Labbastie, set nimis paucos aliquando sagittis et nonnunquam aliis armis occiderunt. Tandem die constituto convenerunt Calesienses cum illis de Oye et de Merke, ex una parte, occurrentibus castellanis ex adverso, et occiderunt multos, pluresque fugarunt, atque finaliter incenderunt totam Labbastie, et, muris dirutis, omnia solo coequarunt.

Note 1. Probably about August 1351, the French king having aided him in paying his ransom on the 31st July. Froissart ed. Lettenhove, 20.543: "Geoffroi de Charny was part of the garrison at Tournai from 28th April to 30th September 1340. He was taken prisoner before Calais. On 31st July 1351, the king granted him 1,000 gold écus to help him pay his ransom. He was appointed bearer of the Oriflamme (the sacred royal battle standard) on 25th June 1355. He died at the Battle of Poitiers. His remains were transferred from Poitiers to Paris in 1370, and solemnly buried, along with those of Marshal d'Audrehem, in the Church of the Celestines. He was married to Jeanne de Vergy."

Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker of Swinbroke [-1360]. Also, for the unviolated preservation of these truces, special judges shall be appointed, through whom or through the kings it shall be ensured that, if anything contrary to these truces is attempted by anyone, the truces shall be restored to their proper state; nor shall the truces be considered broken because of any such contrary act, with the articles concerning Scotland remaining in full force. Also, the judges appointed for the restoration of any violation of these truces, should one occur, shall strive to resolve it in locations most suitable for that purpose and chosen with the agreement of both parties. Furthermore, in matters concerning the enforcement of these truces, the appointed judges shall be: the Constable and Marshal of England, the Earl of Lancaster, and Lord Bartholomew de Burghersh, on the part of the King of England; and the Constable and Marshal of France, the Count of Étampes, and Lord Geoffrey de Charny, on the part of the King of France. Moreover, it is ordained that these truces shall be publicly proclaimed in Gascony and Brittany within twenty days, and in Scotland within thirty days, from the date of their confirmation, and shall be valid only until the feast of Saint Barnabas the Apostle next following.

Item, ad intemeratam custodiam istarum treugarum sint iudices specialiter deputati, per quos vel per reges sit precautum quod, si aliquod contrarium istis treugis per aliquem fuerit attemptatum, ad statum debitum treuge sint reformate, nee propter aliquid eiis contrarium factum sint fracte ipse, articulis tamen Scociam tangentibus suo robore permansuris. Item, iudices assignati ad reformacionem violacionis istarum treugarum, si alicam fieri contingat, ipsam in locis ad hoc maxime oportunis et ex assensu parcium electis studeant resarcire. Ceterum in causis istarum treugarum firmitatem concernentibus sint iudices constituti constabularius et marescallus Anglie et comes Lancastrie et dominus Bartholomeus de Bourghasch, ex parte regis Anglie; item, constabularius et marescallus Francie et comes Dactoens et dominus Galfridus de Charny, ex parte regis Francie. Insuper est ordinatum quod treuge iste sint pupplice proclamate in Vasconia et Britannia infra diem vicesimum, et in Scocia infra diem tricesimum, a die confirmacionis earumdem treugarum, ipsis usque ad festum sancti Barnabe Apostoli proximum sequens dumtaxat valituris.