On 01 Apr 1495 Cecily "Rose of Raby" Neville Duchess York (age 79) made her last will. It was proved 27 Aug 1495.

Source: A Selection From the Wills of Eminent Persons by Camden Society (Great Britain). Published 1838. Transcribed by John Gough Nichols and John Bruce.

IN the name of allmyghty God, the blessed Trinite, fader and son and the holigost, trusting in the meanes and mediacions of oure blessed Lady Moder, of oure most blessed Saviour Jh'u Crist, and by the intercession of holy Saint John Baptist, and all the saintes of heven: I, CECILLE, wife unto the right noble prince Richard late Duke of Yorke, fader unto the most cristen prince my Lord and son King Edward the iiij th, the first day of Aprill the yere of our Lord M.CCCC.lxxxxv. after the computacion of the Church of Englond, of hole mynde and body, loving therfore be it to Jh'u, make and ordeigne my testament in fourme and maner ensuyng.

Furst, I bequeath and surrendour my soule in to the mercifull handes of allmyghty God my maker, and in to protecion of the blessed yrgin our lady Saint Mary, and suffrage of Saint John Baptist, and of all other saintes of heven. Also my body to be buried beside the body of my moost entierly best beloved Lord and housbond, fader unto my said lorde and son, and in his tumbe within the collegiate church of Fodringhay [Map], a if myn executours by the sufferaunce of the King (age 38) finde goode sufficient therto; and elles at the Kinges pleasure. And I will that after my deceasse all my dettes sufficiently appering and proved be paid, thanking oure Lord at this tyme of making of this my testament to the knolege of my conscience I am not muche in dett; and if it happen, as I trust to God it shalnot, that there be not found sufficient money aswell to pay my dettes as to enture my body, than in advoiding such charges as myght growe for the same, the whiche God defende, I lymytte and assigne all such parcelles of plate as belongith to my chapell, pantry, cellour, ewry, and squillery, to the perfourmyng of the same, as apperith in the inventary, except such plate as I have bequeithed. Also I geve and bequeith to the Kinges noble grace all such money as is owing to me of the customes, and two cuppes of gold.

Also I geve and bequeith to the Quene (age 29) a crosse croslette of diamantes, a sawter with claspes of silver and guilte enameled covered with grene clothe of golde, and a pix with the fleshe of Saint Cristofer.

Also I bequeith to my lady the Kinges moder (age 51) a portuos with claspes of gold covered with blacke cloth of golde.

Also I geve to my lord Prince (age 8) a bedde of arres of the Whele of Fortune and testour of the same, a counterpoint of arras and a tappett of arres with the pope.

Also I geve to my lord Henry Duke of Yorke (age 3) b three tappettes of arres, oon of them of the life of Saint John Baptist, another of Mary Maudeleyn, and the thirde of the passion of our Lord and Saint George.

And if my body be buried at Fodringhay [Map] in the colege there with my most entierly best beloved lord and housbond, than I geve to the said colege a square canapie of crymeson clothe of gold with iiij. staves, twoo auter clothes of crymeson clothe of gold, twoo copes of crymeson cloth of gold, a chesibull and twoo tenucles of cryinyson clothe of golcrvith iij. abes, c twoo auter clothes of crymeson damask browdered, a chesibull, twoo tenucles, and iij. copes of blewe velwett brodered, with iij. abes, thre masse bokes, thre grayles, and vij. processioners.

Also I geve to the colege of Stoke Clare [Map] a chesibull and twoo tenucles of playn crymyson cloth of gold with iij. abes, twoo auter clothes, a chesibull, twoo tenucles, and fyve coopes of white damaske browdered, with iij. abes, twoo awter clothes of crymeson velwett upon the velwete (sic), a vestement of crymeson playne velvet, iiij. antiphoners, iiij. grayles, and sixe processioners.

Also I geve to the house of Sion [Map] two of the best coopes of crymyson clothe of gold.

Note. These next four people refer to her grand-daughters, children of Edward IV.

Also I geve to my doughter Brigitte (age 14) the boke of Legenda Aurea in velem, a boke of the life of Saint Kateryn of Sene, a boke of Saint Matilde.

Also I geve to my doughter Cecill (age 26) a portuous with claspes silver and gilte covered with purple velvet, and a grete portuous without note.

Also I geve to my doughter Anne (age 19) the largest bedde of bawdekyn, withe countrepoint of the same, the barge with bailies, tilde, and ores belonging to the same.

Also I geve to my doughter Kateryn (age 15) a traves of blewe satten.

Also I geve to my doughter of Suffolke (age 50) a the chare with the coveryng, all the quoshons, horses, and harneys belonging to the same, and all my palfreys.

Note. The next people are her grand-children, children of her daughter Elizabeth York Duchess Suffolk.

Also I geve to my son of Suffolke (age 24) b a clothe of estate and iij. quoschons of purpull damaske cloth of gold.

Also I geve to my son Humfrey (age 20) c two awter clothes of blewe damaske brawdered and a vestyment of crymeson satten for Jh'us masse.

Also I geve to my son William (age 17) d a traves of white sarcenet, twoo beddes of downe, and twoo bolsters to the same.

Also I geve to my doughter Anne priores of Sion, a boke of Bonaventure and Hilton in the same in Englishe, and a boke of the Revelacions of Saint Burgitte.

Also I woll that all my plate not bequeithed be sold, and the money thereof be putte to the use of my burying, that is to sey, in discharging of suche costes and expensis as shalbe for carying of my body from the castell of Barkehampstede [Map] unto the colege of Fodringhey [Map]. And if any of the said plate be lefte unexpended I woll the said colege have it.

Also I geve to the colege of saint Antonies in London an antiphoner with the ruelles of musik in the later ynd.

Also I geve unto Master Richard Lessy all suche money as is owing unto me by obligations what soever they be, and also all such money as is owing unto me by the Shirfe of Yorkeshire, to helpe to bere his charges which he has to pay to the Kinges grace, trusting he shall the rather nyghe the said dettes by the help and socour of his said grace.

Also I geve to Master William Croxston a chesibull, stoles, and fanons of blake velwett, with an abe.

Also I geve to Master Richard Henmershe a chesibill, stoles, and fanons of crymyson damaske, with an abe; and a chesibill, stoles and fanons of crymeson saten, with an abe.

Also I geve to Sir John More a frontell of purpull cloth of gold, a legend boke, and a colett boke.

Also I give to Sir Kandall Brantingham a chesibill, stoles, and fanons of white damaske, orfreys of crymson velvet, with an abe, the better of bothe.

Also I geve to Sir William Grave a chesibill, stoles, and fanons of white damaske, orfreys of crymeson velvett, with an abe; a masse-boke that servith for the closett, a prymour with claspes silver and gilt, covered with blewe velvett, and a sawter that servith for the closett covered with white ledder.

Also I geve to Sir John Blotte a gospell boke, a pistill covered with ledder, and a case for a corporax of grene playne velvett. Also I geve to Sir Thomas Clerk a chesibill, twoo tenucles, stoles, fanons, of rede bawdeken, with iij. abes.

Also I geve to Sir William Tiler twoo coopes of rede bawdekyn.

Also I geve to Robert Claver iij. copes of white damaske brawdered, and a gowne of the Duchie b facion of playne blake velvett furred with ermyns.

Also I geve to John Bury twoo old copes of crymysyn satten cloth of gold, a frontell of white bawdekyn, twoo curteyns of rede sarcenett fringed, twoo curteyns of whit sarcenet fringed, a feder bed, a bolstour to the same, the best of feders, and two whit spervers of lynyn.

Also I geve to John Poule twoo auter clothes, a chesibull, twoo tenucles, stoles, and fanons of white bawdekyn, with iij. abes; a short gowne of purple playne velvett furred with ermyns, the better of ij. and a kirtill of damaske with andelettes of silver and gilt furred.

Also I geve to John Smyth twoo auter clothes, a chesibill, twoo tenucles, stoles, and fanons of blew bawdekyn, with iij. abes. Also I geve to John Bury twoo copes of crymysyn clothe of gold that servith for Sondays.

Also I geve to John Walter a case for corporax of purple playne velvett, twoo cases for corporax of blewe bawdekyn, twoo auter clothes, a chesibill of rede and grene bawdekyn, a canapie of white sarcenett, iij. abes for children, and iiij. pair of parrours of white bawdekyn, twoo pair parrours of crymsyn velvett, twoo pair parrours of rede bawdekyn, a housling towell that servith for my selfe, twoo corteyns of blewe sarcenett fringed, a sudory of crymy-syn and white, the egges blak, a crose cloth and a cloth of Saint John Baptist of sarcenett painted, a long lantorn, a dext standing doble, twoo grete stondardes and ij. litill cofers.

Also I geve to John Peit-wynne twoo vestimentes of white damaske, a white bedde of lynnyn, a federbedde and a bolstour, and a short gowne of purple playne velvet furred with sabilles. Also I geve to Thomas Lentall six auter clothes of white sarcenett, with crosses of crymsyn velvet.

Also I geve to John Long iij. peces of bawdekyn of the lengur sorte. Also I geve to Sir [John] Verney knighte and Margarett his wiffe a a crosse [of] silver and guilte and berall, and in the same a pece of the holy crosse and other diverse reliques.

Also I geve to Dame Jane Pesemershe, widue, myne Inne that is called the George in Grauntham, during terme of her life; and after her decesse I woll that the reversion therof be unto the college of Fodringhay [Map] for evermore, to find a prest to pray for my Lord my housbond and me.

Also I geve to Nicholas Talbott and Jane his wife a spone of gold with a sharp diamount in the ende, a dymy-sent of gold with a collumbine and a diamont in the same, a guirdill of blewe tissue harnessed with gold, a guirdill of gold with a bokull and a pendaunt and iiij. barres of gold, a hoke of gold with iij. roses, a pomeamber of gold garnesshed with a diamont, sex rubies and sex perles, and the surnap and towell to the same.

Also I geve to Richard Boyvile and Gresild his wife my charrett and the horses with the harnes that belongith therunto, a gowne with a dymy trayn of purpull saten furred with ermyns, a shorte gowne of purple saten furred with jennetes, a kirtill of white damaske with aunde lettes silver and gilte, a spone of gold, a dymysynt of gold with a columbyne garnesshed with a diainant, a saphour, an amatist, and viij. perles, a pomeamber of gold enameled, a litell boxe with a cover of gold and a diamant in the toppe.

Also I geve to Richard Brocas and Jane his wife a long gown of purpull velvett upon velvet furred with ermyns, a greate Agnus of gold with the Trinite, Saint Erasmus, and the Salutacion of our Lady; an Agnus of gold with our Lady and Saint Barbara; a litell goblett with a cover silver and part guild; a pair of bedes of white amber gauded with vj. grete stones of gold, part aneled, with a pair of bedes of x. stones of gold and v. of corall; a cofor with a rounde lidde bonde with iron, which the said Jane hath in her keping, and all other thinges that she hath in charge of keping.

Also I geve to Anne Pinchbeke all other myne Agnus unbequeithed, that is to sey, ten of the Trinite, a litell malmesey pott with a cover silver and parte guilte, a possenett with a cover of silver, a short gowne of playne russett velvett furred with sabilles, a short gowne of playne blewe velvett furred with sabilles, a short gowne of purple playn velvet furred with grey, a tester, a siler, and a countrepoint of bawdekyn, the lesser of ij.

Also I geve to Jane Lessy a dymysent of gold with a roos, garnisshed with twoo rubies, a guirdell of purple tissue with a broken bokull, and a broken pendaunt silver and guilte, a guirdill of white riband with twoo claspes of gold with a columbyne, a guirdell of blewe riband with a bokell and a pendaunt of gold, a litell pair of bedes of white amber gaudied with vij. stones of gold, an haliwater stope with a strynkkill silver and gilte, and a laier silver and part guilte.

Also I geve to John Metcalfe and Alice his wife all the ringes that I have, except such as hang by my bedes and Agnus, and also except my signet, a litell boxe of golde with a cover of golde, a pair of bedes of Ixj. rounde stones of golde gaudied with sex square stones of golde enemeled, with a crosse of golde, twoo other stones, and a scalop shele of geete honging by.

Also I geve to Anne Lownde a litell bokull and a litell pendaunt of golde for a guirdill, a litell guirdell of golde and silke with a bokill and a pendaunt of golde, a guirdell of white riband with aggelettes of golde enameled, a hoke of golde playne, a broken hoke of golde enameled, and a litell rounde bottumed basyn of silver.

Also I geve to the house of Asshe-rugge a chesibull and ij. tenucles of crymysyn damaske embrawdered, with thre abes.

Also I geve to the house of Saint Margaretes twoo auter clothes with a crucifix and a vestiment of grete velvet.

Also I geve to the parish church of Stoundon a coope of blewe bawdekyn, the orffreys embrawdered.

Also I geve to the parishe church of Much Barkehampstede a coope of blewe bawdekyn, the orffreys embrawdered.

Also I geve to the parish church of Compton by sides Guilford a eorporax case of blake cloth of gold and iiij. auter clothes of white sarcenett embrawdered with garters.

Also I geve to Alisaunder Cressener my best bedde of downe and a bolster to the same.

Also I geve to Sir Henry Haidon knyght a tablett and a cristall garnesshed with ix. stones and xxvij. perles, lacking a stone and iij. perles.

Also I geve to Gervase Cressy a long gown of playn blewe velvet furred with sabilles.

Also I geve to Edward Delahay twoo gownes of musterdevilers furred with mynckes, and iiij u of money.

Also I geve to Thomas Manory a short gowne of crymesyn playn velvet lyned, purfilled with blake velvet, and iiij ll in money.

Also I geve to John Broune all such stuf as belongith to the kechyn in his keping at my place at Baynardcastell in London, and iiij u in money.

Also I geve to William Whitington a short gown of russett cloth furred with matrons and calabour wombes, a kirtill of purpull silke chamblett with awndelettes silver and gilte, all such floures of brawdery werke and the cofer that they be kept in, and xls. in money.

Also I geve to all other gentilmen that be daily a waiting in my houshold with Mr. Richard Cressy and Robert Lichingham everich of theime iiij u in money.

Also I geve to every yoman that be daily ad waiting in my houshold with John Otley xls. in money.

Also I geve to every grome of myne xxvj s. viij d. in money. And to every page of myne xiij s. iiij d. in money.

Also I geve to Robert Harison xls. in money and all the gootes.

And if ther be no money founde in my cofers to perfourme this my will and bequest, than I will that myne executours, that is to sey the reverend fader in God Master Olyver King bisshop of Bath (age 63), Sir Reignolde Bray (age 55) knight, Sir Thomas Lovell, councellours to the Kinges grace, Master William Pikinham doctour in degrees dean of the colege of Stoke Clare, Master William Felde master of the colege of Fodringhey, and Master Richard Lessy dean of my chapell, havyng God in reverence and drede, unto whome I geve full power and auctorite to execute this my will and testament, make money of such goodes as I have not geven and bequeithed, and with the same to content my dettes and perfourme this my will and testament.

And the foresaid reverend fader in God, Sir Rignold Bray knyght, Sir Thomas Lovell knyght, Master William Pikenham, and Master William Felde, to be rewarded of suche thinges as shalbe delivered unto theme by my commaundement by the hondes of Sir Henry Haidon knyght stieward of my houshold and Master Richard Lessy, humbly beseching the Kinges habundant grace in whome is my singuler trust to name such supervisour as shalbe willing and favorabull diligently to se that this my present testament and will be perfittely executed and perfourmyd, gevyng full power also to my said executours to levey and receyve all my dettes due and owing unto me at the day of my dethe, as well of my receyvours as of all other officers, except such dettes as I have geven and bequeathed unto Master Richard Lessy aforesaid, as is above specified in this present will and testament.

And if that Master Richard Lessy cannot recover such money as I have geven to hym of the Shirffes of Yorkeshire and of my obligacions, than I will he be recompensed of the revenues of my landes to the sume of v c. marcs at the leest.

IN WITTENESSE HEROF I have setto my signet and signemanuell at my castell of Berkehamstede [Map] the last day of May the yere of our Lord abovesaid, being present Master Richard Lessy, Sir William Grant my confessour, Richard Brocas clerc of my kechyn, and Gervays Cressy. Proved at "Lamehithe" the 27 th day of August, A.D. 1495, and commission granted to Master Richard Lessy the executor in the said will mentioned to administer, &c. &c.

Calendar of State Papers Spain Volume 5 Part 2 1531-1533. 01 Apr 1536. Wien, Rep. P. C., Fasc. 230, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

Just at this moment I receive a message from the marchioness [of Dorset] (age 18)¹, confirming the information I once had from Master Geliot (age 46), namely, that some days ago, the King being here in London, and, the young Miss Seymour (age 27), to whom he is paying court at Greenwich, he sent her a purse full of sovereigns, together with a letter, and that the young damsel, to whom he is paying court, after respectfully kissing the letter, returned it to the messenger without opening it, and then falling on her knees, begged the royal messenger to entreat the King in her name to consider that she was a well-born damsel, the daughter of good and honourable parents without blame or reproach of any kind; there was no treasure in this world that she valued as much as her honour, and on no account would she lose it, even if she were to die a thousand deaths. That if the King wished to make her a present of money, she requested him to reserve it for such a time as God would be pleased to send her some advantageous marriage. (fn. n13)

The marchioness also sent me word that in consequence of this refusal the King's love for the said damsel had marvelously increased, and that he had said to her that not only did he praise and commend her virtuous behaviour on the occasion, but that in order to prove the sincerity of his love, and the honesty of his views towards her, he had resolved not to converse with her in future, except in the presence of one of her relatives, and that for this reason the King had taken away from Master Cromwell's apartments in the palace a room, to which he can, when he likes, have access through certain galleries without being seen, of which room the young lady's elder brother (age 36) and his wife (age 39) have already taken possession for the express purpose of her repairing thither. But I hear that the young lady has been well tutored and warned by those among this King's courtiers who hate the concubine, telling her not in any wise to give in to the King's fancy unless he makes her his Queen, upon which the damsel is quite resolved. She has likewise been advised to tell the King frankly, and without reserve, how much his subjects abominate the marriage contracted with the concubine, and that not one considers it legitimate, and that this declaration ought to be made in the presence of witnesses of the titled nobility of this kingdom, who are to attest the truth of her statements should the King request them on their oath and fealty to do so. The marchioness wishes that I or some one else, on Your Majesty's part, would take this affair in hand, and certainly, if my opinion on such a point is needed, I do not hesitate to say that whoever could help in its execution would do a meritorious work, as it would prove a further security for the person of the Princess, a remedy for the heretical doctrines and practices of the concubine—the principal cause of the spread of Lutheranism in this country—as well as be the means of clearing the King from the taint of a most abominable and adulterous marriage. The Princess herself would be glad of this, even if she were eventually deprived of her rights to the English crown by the birth of male children. I shall again inform her to-day of what is going on, and, with her advice, will act in such a manner that if we cannot gain, at least we shall lose nothing by the event—London, 1 Apr. 1536.

Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."

Addressed: "To the Emperor."

French. Original. pp. Almost entirely in cipher.

Note 1. "Just now, the marquise has sent to tell me what Maître Gelyot had already affirmed to me."

Eliot? the original reads thus: "Tout a cest instaat la marquise ma envoye dire ce que desia mavoit affirme maistre gelyot."

Note 2. Namely, that in these past days, while the king was in this town and the young lady Mistress Seymour, whom he serves, was in Greenwich, he sent her a purse full of sovereigns along with a letter. And that the said young lady, after kissing the letter, returned it to the messenger without wanting to open it, and, throwing herself to her knees, she begged the said messenger to beseech the king on her behalf to consider, in his wisdom, that she was a gentlewoman descended from good and honourable parents without any reproach, and that she had no greater wealth in this world than her honour, which she would not wound for a thousand deaths, and that if he wished to give her some present of money, she begged him to do so when God would send her a good match in marriage.

"A sçavoir que ces iours passez estant ce roy en ceste ville et la demoiselle maistresse Semel, la quelle il sert, a Grynuchuitz, il lui envoya une boursse plaine de souverains ensemble une lectre, et quc la dicte demoiselle ayant baise la lectre, la retourna au messegier sans la vouloir ouvrir, et se gectant a genoulx elle supplia au diet messaigier vouloir supplier au roy de sa part vouloir considerer par su prudence quelle estoit gentil femme yssue de bons et honourables pareus sans nul reproache, et quelle navoit plus grande richesse en ce monde que son honneur, le quel pour mille mort elle ne vouldroit blesser, et que sil luy vouloit faire quelque present dargent elle luy supplioit que ce fut quant dieu lui envoyeroit quelque bon party de mariage."

Calendar of State Papers Spain Volume 5 Part 2 1531-1533. 01 Apr 1536. Wien, Rep. P. C., Fasc. 230, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

Having three days ago received letters from the Queen Regent of Flanders, (fn. n1) addressed to this king, in answer to his application for the extradition of the two rebels escaped from this kingdom, (fn. n2) about which Your Majesty has no doubt been already informed, I sent to inquire from Master Cromwell when it would be agreeable for the King to receive me, that I might then present my letters to him. Cromwell's answer was that the King would like to see me at any time, but that if it suited me better, or if it was more convenient for me to communicate to him (Cromwell) the substance of the said letters, I was quite welcome to do so at any hour I liked, and would then get an immediate answer. Yesterday morning, and again in the evening, Cromwell sent me another message to this effect,—that if I wished to avoid the trouble of going to him, he himself would willingly call on me, as it was his duty to do. Not choosing, however, to abuse the Secretary's courtesy on this occasion, and yet considering it my duty to present the said letters, I thought it better and more expedient to address myself to him rather than to the King. My purpose in so doing was twofold; I did not wish in the least to countenance the King's assertion to the French ambassador the other day, namely, that a courier had come with despatches, which I had not made known to anyone, and that Your Majesty had sent that courier expressly for the purpose of soliciting from him (the King) a loan of money, and making, besides, a number of fine offers. As Cromwell, in appearance at least, seems very desirous of the preservation and increase of friendship of his master's with Your Majesty, and is daily doing good offices in that respect—not only pointing out those measures which he considers most fit under the circumstances, but advising also of his own accord, and working for the accomplishment of our mutual wishes —I thought I had better go myself and see him at his own rooms, when I might perhaps find out what he has in his head, since for some time back he has been saying that he wants to see me in private.

Accordingly yesterday, after dinner, I called. Cromwell found the Queen's letter excellent, and expressed his approval of it by repeating, five or six times, "This is indeed a very good commencement for the guidance and successful issue of the affair in hand, namely, the consolidation of the friendship between the Emperor and the King, my master. I can assure you that my master is now more inclined than ever—and so are all the members of his Privy Council, without exception—to foster and increase that very friendship; and that for a long time back there has often been in that body some idea of dispatching a considerable embassy to the Emperor. The King, however, I must say, has always been of a contrary opinion; he thinks that until a categorical answer comes to the overtures he himself made to me, about Christmas of last year, no such embassy should be sent" Cromwell went still further; he assured me on his faith and honour that the King, his master, whatever he might have done in past times, had of late entered into no treaty in France, Germany, or elsewhere likely to prejudice the alliance and friendship he now has with Your Majesty. Even lately, having been requested by two agents of the duke of Ghelders, sent to this country for the purpose of contracting the same sort of league and alliance as king Francis had made with his master, king Henry had answered that since both parties were now at peace with each other, he saw no necessity for such a league; and that even if it were required, the keeping and preservation of former alliances, principally those which he himself had with Your Majesty, had to be attended to previously. With which answer, short and concise as it was, the two personages sent by the Duke (fn. n3) had returned home without obtaining further hearing.

Cromwell has confirmed the information he gave me some time ago respecting the interview which this King and he of Scotland intended holding at York next summer, adding that most likely, after the meeting, both would come together to London. I imagine, however, that if king James ever did agree to the said interview, it was in the hope of persuading this one to grant him the hand, of the Princess, his daughter; and that now that he has heard from his ambassadors in France that his marriage with the daughter of Vendosme (fn. n4) is already settled—of which James knew nothing when he dispatched his ambassador, who is now here for the purpose of arranging the interview—I should think that he must have changed his mind in that respect.

Letters 1536. 01 Apr 1536. There lately came to dine with me the young marquis, the widowed Countess of Kildare (age 39), lord Montagu, and other gentlemen; when lord Montagu, after many complaints of the disorder of affairs here, told me that the Concubine (age 35) and Cromwell were on bad terms, and that some new marriage for the King was spoken of; which agrees with what was written to me from France that Henry was soliciting in marriage the daughter of France, so as to confirm their mutual intelligence and test how matters went. I told Cromwell that I had for some time forborne to visit him that he might not incur suspicion of his mistress for the talk he had previously held with me, well remembering that he had previously told me she would like to see his head cut off. This I could not forget for the love I bore him; and I could not but wish him a more gracious mistress, and one more grateful for the inestimable services he had done the King, and that he must beware of enraging her, else he must never expect perfect reconciliation; in which case I hoped he would see to it better than did the Cardinal, as I had great belief in his dexterity and prudence; and if it was true, what I had heard, that the King was treating for a new marriage, it would be the way to avoid much evil, and be very much for the advantage of his master, who had been hitherto disappointed of male issue, and who knows quite well, whatever they may say or preach, that this marriage will never be held as lawful, for several reasons which he might sufficiently understand; and that although a more lawful marriage should follow, and male issue from it would be to the prejudice of the Princess, yet the affection I bore to the honor and tranquillity of the King and kingdom, and towards him particularly, made me desire another mistress, not for hatred that I bore to this one, who had never done me any harm. Cromwell appeared to take all this in good part, and said that it was only now that he had known the frailty of human affairs, especially of those of the Court, of which he had before his eyes several examples that might be called domestic, and he always laid his account that if fate fell upon him as upon his predecessors he would arm himself with patience, and leave the rest to God; and that it was quite true, as I said, that he must rely upon God's help not to fall into mischief. He then began to defend himself, saying he had never been cause of this marriage, although, seeing the King determined upon it, he had smoothed the way, and that notwithstanding that the King was still inclined to pay attention to ladies, yet he believed he would henceforth live honorably and chastely, continuing in his marriage. This he said so coldly as to make me suspect the contrary, especially as he said so, not knowing what countenance to put on. He leaned against the window in which we were, putting his hand before his mouth to avoid smiling or to conceal it (ou pour lencouurir), saying afterwards that the French might be assured of one thing, that if the King his master were to take another wife, he would not seek for her among them. He then said that when an answer came from your Majesty upon the subject of our communication we should discuss everything and do some good work. At last, when I was going to leave, he said to me that although I had formerly refused a present of a horse he wished to give me, that now I could not do so without suspicion of ill-will, and he offered me one that the Earl of Sussex had presented to him the day before; and for all I could say to excuse myself, I was obliged to accept it. I think that those here are not content with the appointment made by the Lubeckers with the duke of Holstein; for, happening to talk of the Lubeckers with Cromwell, he said they were false villains and canaille; and that, notwithstanding the said appointment, and that the Duke called himself king of Denmark, the King, writing lately to him for the release of certain ships, would not call him King, saying he knew there was another King alive with daughters, who might pretend to the kingdom. Hereupon Cromwell began to complain of the detention in Flanders of Dr. Adam, of whom I lately wrote, and a servant of this King, who came from Lubeck and Denmark, and begged I would write again for their deliverance. This I could not refuse to do; nevertheless, as I have before stated, it seems to me that unless your Majesty is fully informed, or the said doctor has been well examined and confessed, he ought not to be released. He is a "tres fin galant," who has been the cause of many evils, as I doubt not you are well advised.

Calendar of State Papers Spain Volume 5 Part 2 1531-1533. 01 Apr 1536. Wien, Rep. P. C., Fasc. 230, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

The other day, as the young marquis [of Dorset] (age 19), the dowager countess of Childra (Kildare) (age 39), Monsieur de Montague, and several others, were dining with me at this embassy, the last-named Lord, after complaining of the bad state of affairs in this country,¹ went on to say that this King's mistress (age 35) and Secretary Cromwell were on bad terms just now, and that there had been a talk of a new marriage for this King. Which rumour agrees well with my own news from the court of France, where, according to letters I have received, courtiers maintain that this king has actually applied, for the hand of Francis' daughter. Hearing this, and for the purpose of procuring information, and, if possible, learning what truth there was in the report, I called on Cromwell, and told him that I had purposely avoided visiting him many a time for fear of arousing his Royal mistress' suspicions, owing to the reasons he himself had explained to me. I recollected very well his telling me that she (Anne Boleyn) would like to see his head off his shoulders. Such a threat, I said, was constantly before my eyes, causing me great care and anxiety, and I sincerely wished him a more gracious mistress than she was, one more grateful for the immense services he (Cromwell) had rendered the King. He ought to take care not to offend or over-irritate her, or else he must renounce all hope of that perfect reconciliation we both were trying to bring about. I therefore begged and entreated him, in such an event, to guard against her attacks more effectually than the cardinal (Wolsey) had done, which I hoped his dexterity and prudence would be able to accomplish. If it were true, as I had been told, that the King, his master, was now thinking of a fresh marriage, that would, no doubt, be the way of preserving him (Cromwell) from many inconveniences, and likewise the best thing for the King to do, disappointed, as he had hitherto been, of male issue. Whatever might be said or preached on that score from the pulpit, the King knew very well that his marriage to Anne could never be held as valid, for many reasons, which I left to his consideration; and although from another marriage, more legitimate than his last, the King might possibly have male issue, which would eventually turn out to the Princess' prejudice, yet the love and affection I bore the King, and him in particular, as well as my earnest desire for the peace, honour, and prosperity of England, made me wish that he (Cromwell) should have another royal mistress, not out of hatred of Anne Boleyn, for she had never done me any harm, but for his own sake.

Cromwell seemed to take my words in good part, and thanked me for the affection I professed to him, &c., saying that he was well aware of the precarious nature of human affairs, to say nothing of those appertaining to royal courts; he had for a long time back known this, having had continually before his eyes several examples of it of a domestic nature. He had, however, admitted to himself that the day might come when fate would strike him as it had struck his predecessors in office: then he would arm himself with patience and place himself for the rest in the hands of God. True, it was, as I had hinted to him, that he would have to implore God's help if he wished to escape from dangers and inconveniences of that sort; and that he did, and he would, besides, do his utmost to avoid danger. After that Cromwell began to excuse himself for having promoted the King's marriage [to Anne]. True, it was (he said), that seeing the King so much bent upon it, and so determined, he (Cromwell) had paved the way towards it. Although the King, his master, was still inclined to pay his court to ladies², yet it was generally believed that in future he would lead a more moral life than hitherto—a chaste and marital one with his present Queen. This Cromwell said to me in such a cold indifferent manner that I had a strong suspicion that he meant just the contrary. Indeed, I observed whilst he said so, that not knowing what mien to put on, he leant against the window close to which we were both standing, and put his hand to his mouth to prevent the smile on his lips, or to conceal it altogether from me should it come on; adding, shortly after: "of one thing, however, you may be sure, namely, that should the King, my master, want another wife, it is certainly not among the French that he will look for one." After which he said that upon the arrival of Your Majesty's answer to the overtures that had been made to me, we would treat of all those matters, and come to an understanding upon the whole. At last, when I was about to depart, he said that although I had once refused to accept a horse, which he wanted to present to me, now I could not, without suspicion of anger or ill-will on my part, decline the gift of one which the earl of Sussex had presented to him the day before; and I must add that, whatever my excuses, I was literally obliged to accept the present.

Note 1. "These days, the young marquis, the widow Countess of Childra, Monsieur de Montagne, and certain other gentlemen came to dine with me. The said Sieur de Montagne, after several complaints about the disorder of the affairs here, etc."

"Estant ces iours venu disner avec moy le ieusne marquis, la veufve contesse de Childra, monsieur de Montagne et certains autres gentilhomes, le dict sieur de Montague apres pluseurs querimonies du desordre des affaires dyci, &c."

Note 2. "It was indeed true that, seeing the king his master determined and resolved to do so, he had disclosed the means for it, and that despite the fact that the said king his master was still inclined to feast and serve ladies, nevertheless it is believed that henceforth he would wish to live honourably and chastely, continuing in his marriage."

"Bien estoit vray que voyant le roy son maistre determine et resolv de ce faire, quil en avoit ouuert les moyens et que non obstant que le dict roy son maistre fut encoires incline a festoyer et servir dames, toutes foys se croit il que desormais vouldroit il vivre honestement et chastement continuant en son mariage."

Calendar of State Papers Spain Volume 5 Part 2 1531-1533. 01 Apr 1536. Wien, Rep. P. C., Fasc. 230, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

It would seem to me as if the agreement made by the Lubeckians with the duke of Olsten (Holstein) has not pleased the English, for, happening to mention it in the course of conversation, Cromwèll called the people of that town (Lubeck) villains and scoundrels, (fn. n7) adding that notwith standing the said agreement lately made by them, and that the duke of Holstein was himself king of Denmark now, yet his master, the King, having lately had occasion to write to him on the release of certain English ships captured by his people, had addressed him as duke, not as king, telling him, besides, that he knew very well that there lived another legitimate ling of Denmark, (fn. n8) who had daughters, on whom the crown might rightly devolve one of these days.

Whilst on this subject, Cromwell complained to me that very lately Dr, Adam, about whom I wrote to Your Majesty, and a servant of this king, who accompanied him, had been arrested in Flanders, just at the time when they were returning from Lubeck and Denmark. Cromwell begged me to write again for their liberation, a thing which I could not well refuse, and have already done, though, at the same time, I have stated my own private opinion to the councillors in the Low Countries, namely, that without previous consent from the Emperor, and the close examination and confession of the prisoners, they ought not to be liberated. The doctor is a very sharp fellow (ung tres fin galant), who has been the cause of a good deal of mischief.

This King and the members of his Council are at present very much engaged in making regulations and appointing officers for the administration and collection of the lands as well as revenues confiscated from the Church, and formerly belonging to the monasteries and abbeys that are to be suppressed and pulled down. I am told that the number of religious houses thus suppressed exceeds 300, and the amount of revenue to be collected is upwards of one hundred and twenty thousand ducats, (fn. n9) besides the silver plate, chalices, reliquaries, vestments, and other church ornaments, the bells and leaden roofs of the houses, the "catle" and furniture belonging to them—all of which will fall to the King's share—and will amount, as they say, to an incalculable sum of money. (fn. n10)

Meanwhile, all these lords are trying to farm out Church lands, of which the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk have already had a good portion allotted to them. I am told, besides, that although Cromwell was at one time the adviser and promoter of the demolition of the English convents and monasteries, yet perceiving the great inconveniences likely to arise from that measure, he has since made attempts to thwart it, but -that the King had resolutely declined to make any modification of it whatever, and has even been somewhat indignant against his secretary for proposing such a thing.

The prelates here are daily meeting in the archbishop of Canterbury's rooms, to discuss certain articles, as well as the reformation of church ceremonies. I am given to understand that they do not admit of Purgatory, nor of the observance of Lent and other fasts, nor of the festivals of Saints and worship of images, which is the shortest way to arrive at the plundering of the church of St. Thomas of Canterbury and other places of resort for pilgrims in this country. And I am told that the above-mentioned prelates are now busily engaged in framing an answer to certain writings of Luther and of his followers, which this King's ambassador [in Saxony], a bishop, has sent them, in which writings the said Luther and his disciples maintain that this king's first marriage was permissible, (fn. n11) but that whether or no, that the legitimacy of the Princess can in no wise be questioned. And, moreover, it is an ascertained fact that the said ambassador bishop, in order, no doubt, to please the King, his master, has written to say that he fancies Luther and his followers are of a different opinion, but dare not say so openly for fear of Your Majesty.