1340-1349 Plague and Crecy

Chronicle of Walter Hemingburgh Book 4. [24th June 1314] And on the same day, shortly before the hour of vespers, the ship of Lord Robert de Morley was the first to launch an assault against the French fleet; after him followed the ship of the Earl of Huntingdon, then that of the Earl of Northampton, and then that of Walter de Mauny. Thus, each ship hastened against the enemy, having both the sun and the wind in their favor, just as they had wished. And at the beginning of the battle, they recaptured three of the largest cogs, called Edward, Katherine, and Rose, which had previously been taken from English hands at sea. These were taken back by force, the enemies inside slaughtered by the sword, and the banner of the King of France trampled underfoot. In their place, the banner of the King of England was raised high on the three said ships. The remaining ships tried to flee one by one, but were surrounded by the English. Those inside laid down their arms and attempted to escape in small boats; but before the boats, overloaded with too many men, could reach land, they sank, sending about 2,000 men into the depths of the sea. Thus, with three of the French divisions subdued, the fourth division, having about 60 ships, still contained some armed men who had escaped from the ships already captured, and were difficult to overcome.

Et eodem die, parum ante horam vesperam, navis domini Roberti de Morlee navigio Gallicorum primo omnium insultum dedit, post illam navis comitis de Huntingdon, deinde comitis de Northampton, deinde Walteri de Mannay, sicque singule naves versus inimicos festinantes, solem et ventum secum habuerunt juxta votum. Et quasi in agonis principio tres maximos cogones quos vocabant Edwardum, Katerinam, et Rosam, olim de manibus Anglorum in mari sublatos, adepti sunt. Subjugatay que prima navali acie, qui intus erant gladio deletis et conculcato regis Franciæ vexillo, regisque Angliæ in sublimi in tribus dictis navibus elevato, reliqua naves singulæ fugam inire temptabant ; circumclusæ tamen ab Anglis, deposits armis suis, qui intus erant scaphas intrabant, sed antequam terram tangere possent naviculæ, nimis oneratee, submersis circa duo millibus hominum profundum maris petierunt, sicque tribus aciebus subditis, in IV acie, circa LX naves habente, erant nonnulli armati a prædictis fugati navibus difficiles ad subjiciendum.

Chronicle of Guillaume Nangis. [24th June 1340] In this year, King Philip of France, upon hearing that King Edward of England, who had long remained hidden, had prepared a large fleet to cross the sea in aid of the Flemings, assembled a considerable fleet from Picardy and Normandy, and fortified it to block his crossing, as well as that of Lord Robert of Artois, who was with him. He appointed two admirals over this fleet: namely, Lord Hugh Quieret and Nicholas called Béhuchet. But when, on or around the feast of Saint John the Baptist, the English crossed the sea and came to battle, the French, who were waiting for the King of England and his ships at the port of Sluys to prevent him from taking the harbour, although some advised it would be better to intercept him in the open sea, where neither the English nor the Flemings could assist each other, initially held their ground fairly well. However, when Flemish reinforcements arrived both from the port of Sluys and nearby harbours to support the English, the French were unable to withstand them and took to flight. Many threw themselves headlong into the sea in hopes of escaping by swimming, but were immediately killed by the Flemings upon reaching the shore. Many ships were lost. Nicholas Béhuchet was also killed, and, insultingly to the King of France, was hanged from the mast of a ship. Lord Hugh Quieret was captured aboard his vessel. And as some claimed, all of this happened because the two admirals were not in harmony and were stirred by bitter envy; one could not tolerate the other's rank. As Lucan says:

No trust exists among co-rulers of a kingdom; all power

Resents a partner. Do not trust such alliances among nations,

Nor seek distant examples from fate,

The first city walls were soaked in a brother’s blood.

This saying affirms and agrees with the idea that, whatever may be said or imagined, no one truly wishes to share authority, but seeks to claim all power for himself.

Hoc anno rex Franciæ Philippus, audiens quod rex Angliæ Eduardus, qui diu latuerat, magnum navlgium ad transfretandum in auxilium Flammingorum præparasset, classem non modlcam Plcardiæ ac Normanniæ acceptit, ipsamque munivit ad impediendum transitum ejus, necnon et domlni Roberti de Attrebato qui cum eo erat. Congregavit duos admiraldos; dominum scilicet Hugonem Queret et Nicholaum dictum Behuchet eldem classi præficiens. Sed cum in die beati Johannis Baplistæ vel circa transfretasset, et ventum esset ad conflictum, nostri, ad portum Sclusæ regem Angliæ cum navibus suis exspectantes, ut a captione portus ipsum impedirent, (licet aliqui consulerent in medio raaris obviare sibi melius esse ad finem, quod nec Anglici nec Flammingi possent sibi auxilium ferre) primo impetu satis bene se habuerunt. Sed supervenientibus Flammingis tam de portu Sclusæ quam de portubus vicinis in auxilium Anglorum, ipsos sustinere non valentes fugam arripuerunt, multique in mari præcipites se dederunt ut natando evaderent, sed a Flammingis statim occidebantur in littore; et amissis pluribus navibus, Nicholaum dictum Behuchet etiam occiderunt, et in despectum regis Franciæ ad malum navis suspenderunt. Dominum etiam Hugonem dictum Queret in navi acceperunt. Et ut aliqui asserebant, hoc totum accidit quia isti duo admiraldi male concordes erant ac felle invidiæ commoti; unus alterius dignitatem ferre non valebat, secundum Lucani verba, qui dicit:

Nulla fides regni sociis, omuisque potestas

Impatiens consortis erit, nec gentibus ullis

Credite, nec longe fatorum exempla petantur,

Fraterno primi maduerunt sanguine muri

Volens dicere et annuere quod quidquid dicatur seu fingatur, niillus \ult habere socium in auctoritate, sed totam sibi attribuere auctoritatem.

Chronicle of Geoffrey the Baker of Swynebroke. On the feast of Saint John the Baptist¹ 24th June 1340, very early in the morning, the French fleet divided itself into three squadrons, moved about a mile toward the king's fleet. Upon seeing this, King Edward declared that it was no longer the time to wait, and he and his men hastened to arm themselves and were quickly ready. After the ninth hour, when he had the wind, the sun, and the river's current at his back, he launched an attack on the enemy, dividing his own forces into three squadrons. A terrible cry rose to the heavens over the wooden horses, as Merlin's prophecy foretold. A rain of iron bolts from crossbows and arrows from longbows slaughtered thousands of men; they fought hand-to-hand with lances, axes, and swords, those who dared or were able. Stones hurled from the masts of ships cracked open many skulls. In sum, a great and terrible naval battle was fought without pretence, the kind that a madman² would not have dared to witness even from afar.

In festo vero sancti Iohannis valde mane classis Francorum se dividens in tres turmas movit se per spacium unius miliaris versus classem regis; quod percipiens rex Anglie dixit non esse ulterius expectandum, se et suis ad arma currentibus et cito paratis. Post horam nonam, quando habuit ventum et solem a tergo et impetum fluminis secum, divise in tres turmas, hostibus dedit optatum insultum. Horridus clamor ad ethera conscendit super equos ligneos, iuxta Merlini propheciam; ferreus imber quarellorum de balistis atque sagittarum de arcubus in necem milia populi detraxit; hastis, securibus et gladiis pugnabant cominus, qui voluerunt aut fuerunt ausi; lapides a turribus malorum proiecti multos excerebrarunt; in summa committitur sine ficticio ingens et terribile et navale bellum, quale vecors vidisse a longe non fuisset ausus.

Note 1. Details, more or less full, of the battle of Sluys are to be found in Edward's own letters, in Murimuth, Avesbury, Hemingburgh, Knyghton, Minot, Nangis, Le Bel, and Froissart, and, later, in Walsingham:

Hemingburgh: "And on the same day, shortly before the hour of vespers, the ship of Lord Robert de Morley was the first to launch an assault against the French fleet; after him followed the ship of the Earl of Huntingdon, then that of the Earl of Northampton, and then that of Walter de Mauny. Thus, each ship hastened against the enemy, having both the sun and the wind in their favor, just as they had wished. And at the beginning of the battle, they recaptured three of the largest cogs, called Edward, Katherine, and Rose, which had previously been taken from English hands at sea. These were taken back by force, the enemies inside slaughtered by the sword, and the banner of the King of France trampled underfoot. In their place, the banner of the King of England was raised high on the three said ships. The remaining ships tried to flee one by one, but were surrounded by the English. Those inside laid down their arms and attempted to escape in small boats; but before the boats, overloaded with too many men, could reach land, they sank, sending about 2,000 men into the depths of the sea. Thus, with three of the French divisions subdued, the fourth division, having about 60 ships, still contained some armed men who had escaped from the ships already captured, and were difficult to overcome."

Nangis: "In this year, King Philip of France, upon hearing that King Edward of England, who had long remained hidden, had prepared a large fleet to cross the sea in aid of the Flemings, assembled a considerable fleet from Picardy and Normandy, and fortified it to block his crossing, as well as that of Lord Robert of Artois, who was with him. He appointed two admirals over this fleet: namely, Lord Hugh Quieret and Nicholas called Béhuchet. But when, on or around the feast of Saint John the Baptist, the English crossed the sea and came to battle, the French, who were waiting for the King of England and his ships at the port of Sluys to prevent him from taking the harbour, although some advised it would be better to intercept him in the open sea, where neither the English nor the Flemings could assist each other, initially held their ground fairly well. However, when Flemish reinforcements arrived both from the port of Sluys and nearby harbours to support the English, the French were unable to withstand them and took to flight. Many threw themselves headlong into the sea in hopes of escaping by swimming, but were immediately killed by the Flemings upon reaching the shore. Many ships were lost. Nicholas Béhuchet was also killed, and, insultingly to the King of France, was hanged from the mast of a ship. Lord Hugh Quieret was captured aboard his vessel. And as some claimed, all of this happened because the two admirals were not in harmony and were stirred by bitter envy; one could not tolerate the other's rank."

Among modern writers, sir N. Harris Nicolas, History of the Royal Navy, ii. 51, has given the most exact account. He has embodied all the information to be gathered from contemporary writers known to him, but, having found that which is given here in Baker's text and in Murimuth (whose chronicle was not then fully in print) only as quoted by Stow and other later historians, he excluded it from his narrative and placed it in a foot-note (p. 56) as being of an 'apocryphal character.' Murimuth and Baker are the authorities for the statement that the French fleet sailed out the space of a mile to meet the English; and the movement is also, though more obscurely, described by Knyghton ('divertit se de portu de Swyne' i.e. 'he turned away from the port of Zwin'). The English fleet had lain the previous night off Blanckenberghe, some ten miles westward of the haven of Sluys. Edward would have therefore approached the enemy from nearly due west. But, before engaging, he executed a manoeuvre which is thus described by Froissart, ii. 35: "When the King of England and his marshals had wisely and skillfully arranged their battle lines and ships, they had the sails raised and angled to catch the wind, coming from the quarter on the right, so as to gain the advantage of the sun, which was in their faces as they advanced. They realized and observed that this could harm them greatly, so they altered course slightly and manoeuvered until the sun was where they wanted it."

That is to say, the wind blowing probably from the north or north-east, the English fleet went about and stood away to the north-west, thus getting the advantage of the wind for the attack. (The manoeuvre, as appears both from Froissart and Avesbury, was mistaken by the enemy for a retreat.) But the object of the movement was, further, to get the advantage of the sun and also of the tide. Baker's words (following Murimuth) are "After the ninth hour, when he had the wind, the sun, and the river's current at his back." Edward himself also, in his letter to his son describing the battle (Nicolas, ii. 501), says that he attacked 'bien apres houre de nonne a la tyde' i.e. 'well after the hour of nones [2pm-3pm], at the tide.' High tide on this day at Sluys was at 11.23 A.M., and Nicolas, considering that the English ships could not have entered the haven except with deep water, has been at great pains to show that the attack was made at high tide and that therefore the 'hora nona' is to be translated 'noon.' He has not, however, taken into account the fact that the haven of Sluys was far deeper in the 14th century than now, and, more particularly, that it would have been a physical impossibility for the English, in the position which they occupied for attack, to get the sun on their backs at noon on Midsummer-day. Edward himself, Murimuth, Baker, and Knyghton, agree in fixing the time as near 'hora nona' i.e. 3pm; Hemingburgh at 'parum ante horam vesperam' i.e. 'shortly before the hour of vespers [6pm]' (Froissart says that the battle lasted 'de prime jusques a haute nonne' i.e. 'from prime until high none,' but the morning hours, with the sun in the east, are out of question.) There seems to be no reason why the more ordinary sense of the ninth hour or 'nones,' that is, from two to three o'clock in the afternoon, should not be accepted, when the sun was well past the meridian and declining to the west. Minot's statement that the battle began at half-ebb bears out this view: half-ebb would be at about 3 P.M. But there is yet another apparent difficulty. Edward, in his letter already quoted, says 'entrames en dit port' i.e. 'we entered into said port.' If this meant that he had absolutely to enter a land-locked harbour, we should be forced to conclude that he could only have done so when the tide was running in, that is, before noon. But in the 14th century the harbour of Sluys was an open haven; moreover, as we have seen, the French fleet had made a forward movement; indeed, it lay in open water enough, even the day before, to be visible to the English from Blanckenberghe "nous avioms la vewe de la flotte de nos enemys qi estoyent tut amassez ensemble en port del Swyne" i.e. "we had the sight of the fleet of our enemies, who were all gathered together in the port of Zwin." Edward's letter: "and so large a number of ships could not have fought in close waters." Attacking in the afternoon from a position north-west of the enemy, Edward would bear down upon them with the tide running down channel, thus literally having the 'impetum fluminis,' the ebbing ocean stream, in his favour, and with the sun, not indeed actually 'a tergo' but, rapidly drawing away behind him.

Note 2. Froissart, ii. 37: "This battle that I tell you of was most wicked and very terrible, for battles and assaults at sea are harder and fiercer than those on land; for there, one cannot retreat or flee, but must sell oneself dearly and fight, and await whatever may come, and each must show his courage and prowess."

Chronicle of Geoffrey the Baker of Swynebroke. Thus, in the field near Morlaix, the hostile armies clashed, where the courage of both nations, namely the Bretons, the French, and the English, was put to the test. The battle was fought fiercely on both sides, so much so that it happened, in that engagement, what we have not heard of occurring at the battles of Halidon Hill, or Crécy, or Poitiers. The commanders of the opposing forces, Charles of Blois, to whom the tyrant of the French had granted the duchy of that land, and William de Bohun, Earl of Northampton, whom the king had appointed commander of the English army to uphold the rights of John of Montfort, the natural duke of that land, fought with such noble valour that, rather than be accused of cowardice or dishonor for retreating from the field, they would have more willingly lost all. And so the fighting continued on both sides with great spirit. Indeed, in the entire French war prior to the capture of the false king of France, John, never had the French been fought so fiercely or for so long in hand-to-hand combat on the field, as any Englishman or Frenchman would affirm unless he were a liar. Three times that day, worn out from fighting, both sides withdrew briefly to catch their breath, leaning on stakes, lances, and swords to rest. But at last, the great-hearted Charles, as his troops began to flee, was compelled to take flight himself leaving the English free to tend to their victory and safety in peace.

Igitur in campo iuxta Morleys exercitus hostiles conflixerunt, ubi animositas utriusque gentis, Britonum videlicet, Gallicorum atque Anglicorum, fuerat experta. Pugnatum est fortiter ex utraque parte, ita quod contigit in illo certamine quod nec in bellis, nec Halydonehiel nec de Cressi nec de Petters, audivimus contigisse. Duces nempe parcium, scilicet Karolus de Bloys, cui illius terre dederat ducatum Francorum tirannus, et Willelmus de Bohun, comes Norhamptonie, quem pro tuendo iure Iohannis de Mountfort, naturalis ducis illius terre, rex exercitui Anglicorum prefecit, animositate quam habuerunt heroes generosi, omnia libencius perdidissent quam turpi vecordia arguendi, campo relicto, terga vertissent. Pugnatur proinde ex utraque parte animose, nec unquam in tota Gallica guerra, que capturam seudo-regis Francorum Iohannis antecessit, Francos tam acriter vel ita diu manualiter in campo pugnasse potuerit asserere Anglicus aut Francus aliquis, nisi mendax. Ter eodem die lassati ex utraque parte se modicum retraxere anelitum respiraturi, palis, lanceis et spatis ad quiescendum appodiati. Set tandem magnanimus ille Karolus, suis fugientibus, compulsus erat fugam inire; unde Anglici saluti pacifice vacabant.

On 23rd April 1344 King Edward III of England (age 31) created the Order of the Garter. The date nominal as there are different accounts; some sources say 1348.

1 Edward "Black Prince".

2 Henry of Grosmont 1st Duke Lancaster.

3 Thomas Beauchamp 11th Earl Warwick.

4 Jean Grailly.

5 Ralph Stafford 1st Earl Stafford.

6 William Montagu 2nd Earl Salisbury.

7 Roger Mortimer 2nd Earl March.

8 John Lisle 2nd Baron Lisle.

9 Bartholomew "The Younger" Burghesh 2nd Baron Burghesh.

10 John Beauchamp 1st Baron Beauchamp Warwick.

11 John Mohun 2nd Baron Mohun of Dunster.

12 Hugh Courtenay.

13 Thomas Holland 1st Earl Kent.

14 John Grey 1st Baron Grey.

15 Richard Fitzsimon.

16 Miles Stapleton.

17 Thomas Wale.

18 Hugh Wrottesley.

19 Neil Loring.

20 John Chandos.

21 James Audley.

22 Otho Holland.

23 Henry Eam.

24 Sanchet Abrichecourt.

25 Walter Paveley 4th Baron Burghesh.

Adam Murimuth Continuation. In this year [1344], the Lord King ordered that the most noble tournament or chivalric contest be held at the place of his birth, namely, Windsor Castle, on the 19th of January, that is, the 14th day before the Kalends of February. He had it publicly proclaimed at an appropriate earlier time, both across the sea and in England. He also had all the ladies of the southern parts of England and the wives of the London burgesses invited by letter. So, on Sunday, the 14th day before the Kalends of February [19th January], when the earls, barons, knights, and a great many noble ladies had gathered at the castle, the king held a magnificent feast— such that the great hall of the castle was completely filled with ladies, and no man was among them, except two knights from France who had come solely for the celebration. At that feast were two queens, nine countesses, and the wives of barons, knights, and burgesses, whose numbers could hardly be counted. The king himself personally placed each woman in her seat according to rank. Meanwhile, the Prince of Wales, the Duke of Cornwall, the earls, barons, and knights, together with the common people, dined in tents and other locations, where food and all necessities were provided—freely and without complaint. In the evening, there were various dances and revels, solemnly arranged. For the three days following, the king, along with nineteen other knights, held the tournament against all challengers from outside. And the king himself, not because of royal favor, but because of the great effort he made and the fortune he had during those three days, was awarded the prize among the English participants. Among the foreign challengers, on the first day, Sir Miles de Stapleton (age 24), the second day, Sir Philip Despenser, the third day, Sir John Blount (age 46) were each honored for their performances. On the Thursday following, during the squires' tournament, the king held a great banquet, at which he inaugurated his Round Table, and took the oaths of certain earls, barons, and knights whom he wished to include under a specific form associated with that Round Table. He then set the next meeting of the Round Table to be held at the feast of Pentecost, and gave all those present leave to return home, with thanks and blessings. Later, he ordered that a magnificent building be constructed at Windsor, in which the Round Table could be held on the assigned date. To that end, he appointed masons, carpenters, and other craftsmen, and commanded that timber and stone be provided—sparing no labor or expense. However, this work was later abandoned, for certain reasons.

Hoc anno ordinavit dominus rex habere nobilissima hastiludia sive tirocinium in loco nativitatis suse, videlicet in castro de Wyndesore, die videlicet Januarii XIX et XIIIJ kalendas Februarii, quæ competenti temore præcedenti fecit tam in partibus transmarinis quam in Anglia publice proclamari. Ad que etiam fecit omnes dominas australium partium Angliæ et uxores burgensium Londoniensium per suas literas invitari. Congregatis igitur comitibus, baronibus, mili- tibus, et quam plurimis dominabus die Dominica, videlicet XIIJ kalendas Februarii, in castro prædicto, fecit rex solempne convivium, ita quod magna aula ipsius castri plena exstitit dominabus, nec fuit aliquis masculus inter eas, præter duos milites qui soli de Francia ad solempnitatem hujusmodi accesserunt. In quo convivio fuerunt dus reginæ, IX comitissæ, uxores baronum, militum, et burgensium, qua non potueruunt faciliter numerari, quas rex ipse personaliter in locis suis se- cundum ordinem collocavit. Princeps vero Wallis, dux Cornubiæ, comites, barones, et milites, una cum toto populo in tentorio et locis aliis comederunt, ubi fuerunt cibaria et omnia alia necessaria præparata et omnibus liberaliter et sine murmure liberata; et in sero choreæ et tripudia diversa ‘solempniter ordinata. Et tribus diebus sequentibus rex cum aliis decem et novem militibus tenuit hastiludia contra omnes ab extrinseco venientes ; et idem dominus, non propter favorem regium, sed propter magnum laborem quem sustinuit et propter fortunam quam dicto triduo habuit, inter intrin- secos gratias reportavit, Extrinsecus vero dominus miles de Stapeltona primo die, dominus Philippus Despenser secundo die, dominus Johannes Blount tertio die, gratias reportarunt. Die vero Jovis sequente post hastiludia domicellorum, dominus rex fecit cenam magnam in qua suam rotundam tabulam inchoavit, et juramenta quorumdam comitum et baronum et militum quos voluit esse de dicta tabula rotunda recepit sub certa forma ad dictam rotundam tabulam pertinente; et præfixit diem rotundese tabule tenendæ ibidem in festo Pentecostes proxime tunc futuro, et omnibus præsentibus dedit licentiam cum gratiarum actionibus ad propria remeandi. Ordinavit etiam postea quod ibidem fieret una nobilissima domus, in qua posset dicta rotunda tabula teneri in termino assignato; ad quam faciendam, cæmentarios et carpentarios ceterosque artifices deputavit, et tam ligna quam lapides provideri præcepit, non parcendo laboribus vel expensis. A quo opere fuit postea ex certis causis cessatum.

Chronicle of Geoffrey the Baker of Swynebroke. Afterwards, the lord king hastened his passage into Normandy¹, where his fleet was awaiting him at Portsmouth and Porchester. Thus, accompanied by the earls of Northampton, Arundel, Warwick, and the lord of Harcourt, as well as the earls of Huntingdon, Oxford, and Suffolk, the bishop of Durham, and Sir William de Kyllesby, a cleric, each of whom brought with him a large force of armed men and archers, the king remained at the aforementioned ports from the calends of June [1st June 1346] until the fifth day of July, awaiting a wind, slow but favourable. At last, with a fleet of a thousand ships, pinnaces, and transports, they began to sail in remarkable fashion. The royal council was kept secret: indeed, even the shipmasters, having left port, did not know where the fleet was to be directed, but were ordered to follow the admiral. However, on that same day, the king sent messengers from his own ship to the other vessels, already far from shore, instructing their captains to follow the admiral and steer toward the port of Hogue in Normandy.

Postea dominus rex suum passagium in Neustriam properavit, ipsum apud Portusmutham et Porcestriam navigio expectante. Igitur cum comitibus Norhamptonie, Arundelie, Warwykie, et domino de Harecourt, Huntyndonie, Oxenfordie, et Suffolchie, et episcopo Dunelmensi, et domino Willelmo de Kyllesby, clerico, quorum quilibet copiosam massam armatorum atque sagittariorum secum deduxit, dominus rex ad predictos portus a kalendis Iunii usque ad quintum diem mensis Iulii ventum tardum set prosperum expectavit. Tandem cum mille navibus, spinaciis, atque cariariis inceperunt velificare mirabiliter. Secretum tenebatur tunc concilium regale; magistri nempe navium adhuc de portu amoti nescierunt quo deberent naves dirigere, set iussi sequebantur amirallum. Attamen eodem die rex de sua nave emisit nuncios ad cetera vasa, iam longe ab litore distancia, precipiens eorum rectoribus ut sequerentur amirallum, ad portum de Hoggis in Normannia naves directuri.

Note 1. Annales of John Stow, 377: "King Edward prepared to make a voyage into Normandy, his navy being ready to transport him from Portesmouth and Dorchester, with the earles of Northampton, Arundell, Warwicke, Harecourt, Huntingdon, Oxenford, and Suffolke, the bishop of Durham, and master William Killesby, clearke, every one of these, leading a great army of souldiours well appointed, were embarqued, and waited for the winde from the first of June to the fift of July, and then, having a good winde, they beganne to make saile with the number of one thousand shippes of burthen and pinases, and on the thirteenth day of July they landed at Hogges in Normandy, where on the shoare of the sea king Edward made his eldest sonne knight and also prince of Wales, and immediately the prince made knights, Mortimere, Montacute, Rose, and other. That night the king lodged in the towne of Hogges, and the next day the towne was brent by the army. The night following, king Edward lodged in Mercels, where he stayed five dayes, during which time all the countrey, with the towne of Barbefleete, was by his men consumed with fire. From thence they departed to Veloigns, which they set on fire; then they went to Senet comb de Mount, which is nigh the sea, and to Garantam; thence to Serins and to Saint Lewes, passing along unto the towne of Tourney, wasting all with fire, and that night the king lodged at Carmalin; then to Gerin, being a religious house belonging unto Cane, leaving nothing behind them unspoyled. Afterward they made an assault and entred the city of Cane, making their entrance by a bridge which was strongly defended. There was slaine an hundreth three and fourtie knights, among the which was taken the earles of Ewe and Camberlin de Tankervill, with divers other captaines, and of them of the citie were slaine above one thousand three hundred. At this citie the armie remained sixe dayes, and the spoile thereof they sold to those mariners which followed the coast as the king went. Then they went to the monasterie in the towne of Toward, a verie strong thing and well defended. Afterward they came unto Argons by night, burning still as they went, till they came to the citie of Liceus, where they found the cardinalles of Clarimount and of Naples, and one archbishop, who offered the king a treatie of peace; and there the king continued three dayes, refusing to treate of peace. Then they went to Lastentnoland and to the towne of Briue, and lodged at New Burge, and after at Lelelefe upon Sayne, and being resisted by the inhabitants they slewe many of them. Then they passed nigh to the towne and castell of Fount Darch, being strong places and not assaultable. This night he lodged at Lury upon Segan, nigh unto the good towne of Lovars, which they did burne. After, they passed by the towne and castell of Gailon, which they tooke and brent, and lodged at Lingevie, which is nigh the good towne and castle of Vernon, which they touched not; and there they first entred into Fraunce. And the same night they brent the castell of Roche Blanch, which standeth on the other side of Segan, and lodged at Fremble upon Segan. After that, they passed by the towne of Maunt, lodging that night at Oporne. On the next day they passed to Frigmas, and the next day to the good towne of Poecie, where being a bridge to passe over the river of Segan, the French had spoyled it, but the king caused it to be reedified. And the next day they came to Amias, where were three armies appointed to keepe the king from passing that way; but he slew three hundred of them at the first charge, put the residue to flight, and spoyled their tentes, burning three hundreth and two cartes and wagons laden with crossebowes, quarrels, armour and victualles. The king staying there two dayes, they went to Gresile nigh unto Pountoys; then to Autell. The next day they passed by the citie of Wenneys, which they touched not; and so by Trosolours at the water of Some, where they lodged. The next day they wanne the towne of Poys, and brent the castell. From thence they went to Aregnus; then to Acheu, where they lodged. The nexte day they came to Noell upon the sea side; the French men of Dabvile and the countrey came to the foorde side to hinder their passage, with whom the king had a sore conflict, but the enemies were put to the worse and more then two thousand slaine, and the towne of Croytoy taken and brent, and above three hundred Germaines slaine. The next day they followed the king on the river of Some, and on the banks side (where the king with his hoste were lodged) came traveling Philip de Valoys, the French king, with the kings of Boheme and Malegre, leading an armie of men innumerable, divided into eight great battelles. King Edward sent to the French king, offering him free passage over the foorde, if he would come and choose a place apt to fight a field in; but this Philip went to another place of passage. On the morrow king Edward removed to Cresifield, where the armie of the French king met him. The king therefore set his sonne the prince of Wales to governe the vaward; the middle warde the earle of Northampton; the third he tooke to guide himselfe. The armie of the Frenchmen were devided into nine troupes. The vaward was committed to the king of Boheme. The French king commaunded his banner called Oiliflame to be set up, after which time it was not lawfull under paine of death to take any man to save his life. [Side note: The French banner of oiliflame signified no mercy, more then fire in oile.] This banner, that it might differ from his standert, had in it lillies of gold very broad. On the other side king Edward commanded his banner to be erected of the dragon, which signified fiercenesse and cruelty to be turned against the lillies. These armies being thus appointed stoode in the fielde from one of the clocke untill the evening. About the sunne setting, after the armies had justed, they beganne by the sound of the trumpets to give signe of battaile, but they themselves felt the force of the English archers, and as for their quarrels, they fell short a great way. Moreover, their footemen, being placed among their owne horsemen, were by them (when they were gauled with the English shotte of arrowes) overrunne and troden upon, that a great outcry was made, as it were to the starres, and the whole forme of the array was broken, and they, fighting with the English armed men, are beaten downe with polaxes. In this so terrible a bickering the prince of Wales, being then but sixeteenth yeeres old, shewed his wonderfull towardnesse, laying on very hotely with speare and shielde. This battell dured three partes of the night, in the which time the Frenchmen gave five great assaults against our men, but at the length they being conquered ran away. On the morrow there came foure armies of fresh souldiours to the French side, and, making semblance as though their part had suffered no harme, they came against the Englishmen and gave them a fresh battell. On the other side, the Englishmen withstood them very stoutely, and, after a sharpe conflict, they forced their foes to flie, and in chasing of them, together with them that were slaine in the conflict, they slew three thousand men in the said two dayes."

Annales of England by John Stow. [17th October 1346] The French king in this meanetime sent a number of Genowayes and other hired souldiours unto David king of Scots, earnestly requesting him that he would invade England with all his force: wherefore about the 7 of October [1346] he with a mighty power entred England, passing along by Berwicke, which was strongly defended by the Englishmen, and so, ranging over the forest of Alnewike, they wonne a certaine mannour place called Luden, belonging to the lord Walter Wake¹, who yeelded himselfe on condition to be ransomed, where (Selby a knight being desirous by law of armes to save his life) he was taken, which when it was known to David, he commanded him to be slaine : but Selby intreated for him that he might be brought alive to the presence of David, who having obtained his request, he falleth downe before David, requesting his life for ransotne, but he was againe adjudged to die. The malice of the tyrant was such, that he commanded two of the children of the poore knight to be strangled in sight of their father, and afterwards himselfe, being almost madde for sorrow, was beheaded. From thence the Scots passed forward, wasting along the countrey, wherein were many farmers belonging to the monasterie of Durham, and comming within two miles of Durham they tooke certaine of the monks, which they kept prisoners for their ransome, making covenant with the residue for a certaine summe of money and corne to redeeme their mannours from spoyling. The Englishmen of the marches fleeing before the face of the enemie, William de la Zouch, archbishop of Yorke, vicegerent to the king in the marches, calling together the bishop of Carleile, the earle of Anguise, the lord Mowbray, the lord Henry Percy, the lord Ralph Nevel, Ralph Hastings, with all their ayde, together with the archers of Lancashire, went towards the armie of the Scots, and on the eeven of saint Luke met them at a place called Bewre Parke, neere Nevils Crosse. The Scottish nation, not accustomed to flee, withstoode them stoutely, and having head-pieces on their heads and targets on their armes, preasing sore upon the Englishmen, they abode the brunt of the archers : but the men of armes, which were in the forefronts, gave their enemies many deadly wounds. The marshal! of the Scottes, earle Patrike, who had the charge of the rereward, when he perceived his men to be beaten downe, he fled away with other that were privie to his cowardlines : he being fled, the residue of the Scottes, continuing faithfully with their king, stoode about him like a round tower, keeping him in the middle, who so continued till there was scarce fortie of them left alive, of the which not one of them could escape away. At length, David their king valiantly fighting and sore hurt, an esquire of Northumberland, named John Copland, tooke him, who with eight of his servants rode straite out of the field with the king, and so rode fifteen leagues from that place to a castle called Orgalus, the residue about him being taken or slaine ; the Englishmen pursued the chase after them which were fled, slaying and taking them as farre as Prudihow and Corbridge.

Note 1. It will be noticed that, owing to the corrupt state of the Latin text, Stow has fallen into great confusion regarding the death of Selby, substituting an imaginary 'lord Walter Wake' for the unfortunate man.

Chronicle of Geoffrey the Baker of Swynebroke. [31st December 1349] Therefore, on the day before the appointed day of treachery, Geoffroi de Charny sent fifteen of his trusted men, bringing with them a large sum of gold, the price of betrayal, to test Americo's loyalty and inspect the layout of the castle. These men, scouting every tower and hidden corner, perceived nothing contrary to their hopes. Thus, on the next day, they planted the royal French standard on the highest tower of the castle, and the banners of Geoffroi and those of other French lords were raised upon the other towers. Because the common townsfolk, who knew nothing of the plot, saw this, great terror seized them. Rushing to arms, they prepared to attack the castle at once. Immediately, the French, who had entered the day before, seized Sir Thomas de Kyngestone¹, who was pretending ignorance of the conspiracy, and bound him in wooden stocks. Then some of the French were sent out to their lords, who were lying in ambush outside the fortress, and showed them the raised standards, promising that all was going well, and urging them to hurry to the castle under the pretense of helping defend it against the townsfolk. Rising from their hiding places, with their customary pomp and pride, the French forces surged in great numbers, breaking through the gates of the castle. At that moment, the townsfolk barely restrained themselves from attacking, though their leaders held them back, and the danger seemed to pass as the French streamed into the fortress. Then, the king's loyal men, who had been hidden like anchorites under the vaulted arches of the walls for three long days, weary of the delay, prepared to strike. At the same time, the man hidden in the false tower chamber with the great stone, seeing that enough Frenchmen had entered for his comrades to overcome, released the huge stone entrusted to him. The stone shattered the drawbridge, cutting off the way by which the French had so eagerly entered, now trapped inside, they could no longer escape that way. The stone had thus taken the place of the portcullis, which had originally been removed from its proper position and left in the control of the French, as a deceptive show of security. At the crash of the falling stone and the collapse of the bridge, the armed "anchorites", bursting through the false wall that had hidden them, threw off their disguise, and welcomed the French knights back to their "order" with a fierce and deadly greeting. A furious assault followed, lasting some time but at last the French, defeated, submitted humbly to the will of the victors.

Igitur pridie peremtorie diei Galfridus de Charny misit quindecim suos fideles, cum magna parte auri, premii prodicionis, exploraturos fidem Americoi et castri disposicionem. Qui, circumquaque quamlibet turrim et angulum opertum visitantes, nihil suis votis contrarium perceperunt. Unde in crastino fixerunt stacionardum regium Francorum in eminenciori turri castelle, et vexilla Galfridi aliorum quoque dominorum super alias turres locaverunt. Proinde populares de ville custodia, quos latuit facinus, tantus terror agitavit, quod ad arma convolantes insultum disponebant in castrum festinare. Confestim Gallici pridie ingressi dominum Thomam de Kyngestone nescium facinoris se fingentem violenter ceperunt et in bogis ligneis captivarunt. Deinde quidam ex illis, emissi ad Francos suos dominos extra municionem imboscatos, ostenderunt stacionardum et erecta vexilla, cetera prospera compromittentes, si tamen festinarent ad defensionem castri contra villanos. Igitur, surgentes de latibulis, cum pompa solita et innata genti Gallicorum, portas castri irruperunt Franci copiose. Tunc villani vix manus ab insultu continuerunt, ipsos tamen ducibus eorum retrahentibus quasi periculum insiliencium diffugitivis, statim fideles regis amici, qui sub arcuatis murorum latibulis instar anacoritarum fuerant inclusi, trium dierum longam moram fastidientes, se prepararunt ad irrupcionem. Nec minus ille qui cum saxo grandi fuit in foramine nuper inclusus, postquam vidit tot ingressos ad quorum debellacionem estimabat suos consentaneos sufficienter potuisse, molarem illum ingentem sibi commissum direxit ruine; quo pons versatilis rumpebatur, et via fuerat preclusa per quam hostes fuerant nimium ingressuri, atque, semel ingressi, non poterant per illud iter evadere. Saxum predictum supplevit quodammodo vices pectinis ruituri, quod in principle fuit ab officio debito suspensum atque Gallicis traditum tutcle in illorum delusoriam assecuritacionem. Ad strepitum saxi et pontis fracti armati anacorite, depulso muro fictili eos occultante, apostatarunt, et ad suum ordinem milites Francigenas coegerunt dira salutacione invitatos. Insultus acerrimus quam diu duravit, set tandem devicti hostes suppliciter victorum voluntati se commiserunt.

Note 1. Sir Thomas Kingston must either have been carried away prisoner, or have surrendered unconditionally; for in 1352 the king gave him £100 in aid of his ransom. Issue Rolls Exchequer, 156. Baker seems to imply that he allowed himself to be taken in order to keep up the delusion of the French that they were effecting a surprise. He was afterwards, 13 June 1361, made warden of the castle of Calais. Fœdera, iii. 619.

Chronicle of Geoffrey the Baker of Swynebroke. [31st December 1349] The outsiders, who had not yet entered the town¹, as soon as they realized the betrayal of their comrades, turned and fled. Then King Edward, accompanied by no more than sixteen men-at-arms and the same number of archers, who followed him at his call though not recognizing him, pursued the fugitives, struck down many of them, and overcame great dangers in a very short time. When the French eventually realized how few were pursuing them², eighty armoured men turned back and formed ranks against the king. I scarcely dare attribute this pursuit to the king's prudence or military wisdom, but rather to his great-hearted courage, even though it is clear that in such peril he conducted himself bravely, and by God's grace, escaped unharmed and gained great glory. When he saw the French forming up, he threw aside his sword's scabbard, encouraged his men, organized their positions, and urged them to fight manfully. The archers positioned themselves in the marsh, standing on dry mounds and muddy ground that surrounded the battlefield, so that the heavily armed knights and foot soldiers could not reach them, and if they tried, they would sink into the mire. The king, encouraging them as well, and winning them over with gentle words, spoke to them thus: "Do well, archers," he said, "and know that I am Edward of Windsor." When the archers heard for the first time that the king himself was present, and recognized the importance of their task, they bared their heads, arms, and chests, and with all their strength, unleashed their arrows with unerring precision. The approaching French were greeted with a storm of sharp arrows and fiercely received. The men-at-arms stood on either side of a long and narrow causeway, so tight that barely twenty armoured men could stand side-by-side, flanked on both sides by marshland impassable to armoured men. The archers stood securely in these marshes, not hindering their own side, but cutting down the enemy from the flanks with a hail of arrows. So it was that the king and his men from the front, and the archers from the sides, killed and captured many, and though the French resisted bravely for a time, at last, upon the arrival of the Prince of Wales, they were put to flight.

Extranei qui non intrarunt, statim postquam perceperunt suorum delusionem, terga verterunt; quos dominus rex, cum paucioribus quam sedecim armatis et totidem sagittariis ipsum vocantem set tamen ignotum comitantibus, fugitivos lacessit, multos prostravit, et in parvo tempore valde periculosos labores superavit. Cognita demum Francigenis insequencium paucitate, octoginta viri armatorum contra regem se religarunt. Non audeo sapiencie nec discrete milicie set magnanimitati regis ascribere illam suam in hostes persecucionem, quamvis bene in tanto periculo ipsum constet rem gessisse et, gracia Dei ipsum preservante, honourem ventilacionis reportasse. Ubi nempe vidit Francos religatos, abiecit gladii vaginam, et suos confortans atque ipsorum staciones disponens ad viriliter agendum provocavit. Sagittarii eciam in marisco a lateribus armatorum constiterunt in siccis monticulis et limosis paludibus circumvallati, ne graviter armati equites aut pedites ipsos fuissent insecuti, quin pocius submersi in bitumine. Illos eciam rex confortans et ad sui pietatem decenti alliciens blandicia, sic affatur: "Bene facite," inquiens, "arcitenentes, et scitote quod ego sum Edwardus de Wyndesore." Cognitis tunc primum regis presencia et necessitate bene faciendi, sagittarii nudantes su capita, brachia et pectora, omni sua virtute sagittis non perdendis incubuere, et Gallicos appropiantes acutis sagittis salutatos acriter valde receperunt. Armati steterunt ex utraque parte super longum et artum pavimentum, in cuius latitudine vix viginti armati possunt frontaliter constipari, habentes ex utroque latere mariscum armatis invium, in quo steterunt sagittarii securi, suos nihil inpedientes et hostes a lateribus sagittarum grandine confodientes. Siquidem rex et sui ex adverso, atque sagittarii ex transverso, occiderunt, captivarunt, et quam diu viriliter resistentes tandem in adventu principis Wallie Gallicos in fugam compulerunt.

Note 1. Froissart tells us that de Charny sent only a detachment of his men within the walls in company with Americo di Pavia, while he, leaving a strong body at the bridge of Nieuley, some little distance from the town, himself advanced to one of the gates (the Porte de Boulogne) and waited for it to be opened.

Note 2. Avesbury, 410, says that Edward was left, by the action of the fight, with only thirty men-at-arms and a few archers: Observing this, the said Lord Geoffroi de Charny, being not far from the king, began to advance toward him with a large company of French noblemen, all heavily armed and on horseback. Then the said Lord King, placed in such great and present danger, did not yield, but, like a valiant and high-spirited knight, drew his sword and cried out in a loud voice: "A! Edward, Saint George! A! Edward, Saint George!" When the French heard these words, they were so astonished that they lost their nerve, as one noble knight among them, who was later taken prisoner, recounted afterward. The fight along the causeway is nowhere told so well as by Baker.

Chronicle of Geoffrey the Baker of Swynebroke. [31st December 1349] After a long pursuit of the enemy, those returning to Calais counted the fugitives and prisoners, and they found that, according to the testimony of the captives, one thousand men-at-arms and six hundred armed troops had come for the capture of the castle, but the number of non-combatant servants had exceeded three thousand. Among those captured¹ were: Lord Geoffroi de Charny and his son, renowned in arms, Edward de Renty, once a servant of the King in the office of keeper of the keys, but now a knight and mercenary in the service of the French tyrants, also Lord Robert de Banquilo, Otto de Gule, Baron of Martyngham, Baldwin Sailly, Henry de Prees, Guarin Baillof, Peter Rynel, Peter Dargemole, Eustace de Ripplemont, and many other knights and squires were driven off with their banners, including: Lord de Montmorency, Laundas, who had married the Lady of Saint Pol (age 46), Countess of Pembroke in England, the Lords of Fiennes, Lord de Planke, and another Eustace de Ripplemont. Among the slain in battle were: Lord Henry de Bois and Lord Archebaud, and many others whose names the victors did not take the trouble to record. Thus, the treacherous act, engineered in violation of the truce, brought disgrace and destruction upon its authors: First, through the capture of Geoffroi and his companions, the loss of vast amounts of gold, the deaths of noble men, the flight of proud lords, and the total collapse of the fraudulent scheme. As for Americo², he did not escape the snare of danger; on the contrary, he was later captured by the French, and burned alive with red-hot iron, stripped of his knighthood by amputation of his toes, deprived of his tongue by cutting it out, then hanged, afterward beheaded, and finally quartered, thus paying the penalty for treason and for falsely swearing upon the sacrament of the altar.

Post longam in hostes venacionem, Calesiam reversi numerarunt fugatos et captos; et invenerunt quod pro castri capcione, secundum relacionem captivorum, accesserunt mille viri armorum et sexcenti armati, set numerus serviencium tria milia excedebat. Ex hiis fuerunt capti dominus Galfridus de Charny et filius eius strenuus in armis, Edwardus de Renti quondam serviens domini regis in officio clavarii, set tunc miles et tiranni Francorum stipendiarius; item dominus Robertus de Banquilo, Otto de Gule, baro de Martyngham, Baldewinus Sailly, Henricus de Prees, Garinus Baillof, Petrus Rynel, Petrus Dargemole, Ewstacius de Rypplemont; et alii multi milites et domicelli fugati fuerunt cum suis vexillis, dominus de Mountmarissi, item Laundas, qui desponsavit dominam de Seint Pool, comitissam Penebrochie in Anglia, item domini de Fenes, dominus de Planke, et alius Eustacius de Ripplemont, Occisi fuerunt in prelio dominus Henricus de Boys et dominus Archebaud, et multi alii, de quorum noticia non curarunt victores. Sic prodiciose contra formam treugarum facinus ingeniatum eius auctores detraxit in cladem: primo Galfridum per sui et amicorum suorum capcionem, auri multi perdicionem, nobilium virorum occisionem, ducum magnanimorum fugacionem, et tocius false machinacionis finalem frustracionem; set nec Americous evasit laqueum periclitacionis, immo postea captus inter Gallicos ferro ignito vivus perustus, a militari ordine per talorum amputacionem degradatus, lingua privatus per abscisionem, postea suspensus, demum decapitatus, et finaliter in quarteria divisus, exsolvit penas prodicionis et false peieracionis in sacramentum altaris.

Note 1. The list of French names here given differs considerably from that found in Froissart; and many of them are so disguised by misspelling that their identification is hopeless. Geoffroi de Charny had a son of the same name. Oudart de Renty commanded the party which was sent forward and was admitted within the walls. In ' Garinus Baillof ' we recognize Gauvain de Bailleul, and in 'Ewstacius Rypplemont' Eustache de Ribemont, the gallant knight, on whose head Edward placed his own cap (chapelet) as he gave him his liberty, and who afterwards fell at Poitiers. Jean de Mortagne, seigneur de Landas, appears among the prisoners in Froissart's narrative. He also fell at Poitiers. He married, in 1344, Jeanne de Fiennes (age 42), widow of Jean de Chatillon, comte de Saint-Pol. Baker is wrong in giving this lady the title of countess of Pembroke; it was Marie, daughter of Gui de Chatillon, comte de Saint-Pol, and therefore sister of count Jean, who, in 1320, married Aylmer de Valence, earl of Pembroke. Robert, called Moreau, de Fiennes is also mentioned by Froissart as effecting his escape; but, besides Henri du Bois, the same chronicler names Pepin de Wierre as slain. Who 'dominus Archebaud' may have been does not appear. Among the other names 'de Banquilo' may be a corruption of Boucicaut, and 'Dargemole,' of d'Argeville; 'dominus de Mountmarissi' is possibly Charles de Montmorency; and 'dominus de Planke' may be the sire de Plancy. As to the 'alius Eustacius de Ripplemont,' Eustache de Ribemont had a son Waleran who was badly wounded and made prisoner; there appears to have been no second Eustache. Bourgeois de Valenciennes, 266: And in that battle was present the very noble Lord Pepin de Wierre, a knight of great renown, along with Lord de Créquy and Lord du Bos, and many other young knights (bachelors). From that battle escaped Lord John of Landas, Lord Morel de Fiennes, and a great number of others. But Lord Eustace de Ribemont was taken prisoner, while conducting himself with such grace and defense that all the English marveled at him; so much so that he won the prize and the laurel as the best defender of the day. Along with him was also captured Lord Galeran, his son, who was badly wounded during the capture. And when this was done, the King of England withdrew, and left as chief captain of Calais Lord Beauchamp, for the truce between the King of France and the King of England was soon expected to expire.

Note 2. Froissart gives the story of Americo di Pavia's capture by Geoffroi de Charny at a small castle named Frethun, near Calais, and states that he was taken to Saint-Omer and there put to death. If this is correct, the date of the event must be early in 1352, when de Charny was again in those parts, after being ransomed in August, 1351. Luce's Froissart, IV. XXXVIII.

Chronicle of Geoffrey the Baker of Swynebroke. [31st December 1349] As the aforementioned solemnity¹ was approaching, the king was informed, through the secretaries of Americo of Padua², a mercenary knight, that on the 14th day of January, Geoffroi de Charny³, a French knight, and a great number of other Frenchmen were to be admitted into Calais, which had been sold to them by the said Americo, but was by the king's grace rescued by the following intervention. The said Americo of Padua, who had been staying in Calais during its siege among the Genoese, served for pay under the tyrant of the French (i.e. the King of France), against the English king, who was then besieging the city. But after the surrender of the town, like the others, he was granted clemency of life, limbs, and knightly liberty, and remained in the king's service as a mercenary, assigned to the defense of Calais. At the time, Geoffroi, Lord of Matas, was regarded, so the rumours spread, as the most experienced of all the French in military affairs: a man of long experience in arms, endowed with keen natural intelligence, and thus principal counselor to the French "tyrants" (the French royalists), until his death and the capture of the crowned French king at the Battle of Poitiers. This man, a most cunning schemer of crimes, attempted to corrupt the loyalty of Americo, who had been summoned by letters and lured with gifts of gold and deceitful promises. Finally, driven by greed, Americo agreed that for thousands of gold écus⁴, he would open a tower under his command to provide the French with easy access into the town, and help them as much as he could in seizing the town and castle. Thus, this treacherous pact, though confirmed by oath and even by sharing the sacrament of the altar, was still a most wicked undertaking, initiated in treacherous cunning and false faith. Indeed, not at the walls of Ilium, but at the walls of Calais, sin was committed both without and within: for although a truce was still in effect, the laws of moral conscience would have forbidden the French from any deceit, open or secret, that could violate the peaceful possession of Calais by the English king. Moreover, Americo should have been deterred, by reverence for knightly honour, from any betrayal or unworthy promise, even one not binding, for by right, faith must be kept even with an enemy. But he kept faith with neither enemy nor king, serving the King of Heaven most wickedly, when he falsely invoked the Body of the Savior to seal his deceitful agreement, and furthermore received the communion of the chalice. Nevertheless, he wrote to the king, disclosing the entire affair without hiding anything, thus keeping himself prepared either to support the French, if they succeeded, or to retain the favour of the king, if the French plot failed and they were convicted of breaking the truce, and possibly many would be captured for ransom. And so it happened.

Instante prefata solempnitate, nunciatum est regi per secretarios. Americoi de Padua, militis stipendiarii, quod quartadecima die mensis Ianuarii forent in Calesiam recipiendi Galfridus de Charny, miles, et alii Gallici in magno numero, quibus Calesia per predictum Americoum fuerat vendita, set per regem graciose rescutata tali processu. Predictus Americous Paduensis inter ceteros Ianuenses morabatur in Calesia obsessa, ad stipendia tiranni Francorum contra regem obsidentem; set sibi, sicud ceteris, post ville dedicionem concessa gracia vite et membrorum atque libertatis militaris, de cetero mansit cum rege stipendiarius ad eiusdem Calesie tuicionem. Erat pro tunc Galfridus dominus de Matas miles plus quam aliquis Gallicus, ut fama ventilavit, in re militari exercitatus atque, cum longa experiencia armorum, nature vivacis sagacitate excellenter dotatus, et ideo Francie tirannorum, usque ad suum interitum et coronati Francorum capcionem in prelio Pictavensi, conciliarius principalis. Iste facinorum calidissimus machinator fidem prefati Americoi literis sibi evocati auri donis et sofisticis promissis conatus pervertere. Finaliter cum falso cupidus convenit quod, pro milibus scutatorum aureorum, per turrim, cui Americous preficiebatur, facilem introitum Gallicis in villam prepararet, atque ad ville et castri plenam capcionem quatenus posset adiuvaret. Pactum itaque prodiciosum quantumcunque per iuramentum et communionem sacramenti altaris utrimque confirmatum, attamen ut plenum versuta calliditate et fide mentita pessime fuerat iniciatum. Equidem non iam 'IIliacos,' set Calesios, 'muros extra peccatur et intra,' nam Gallicos, treuge adhuc durantes, pie consciencie legibus proibuissent ob omni circumvencione pupplica vel occulta, qua pacifice possessioni regis Anglie, quoad predictam villam, poterant derogasse. Eciam prefatum Americoum reverencia fidei militaris terruisset ab omni prodicione et inonesta, non eciam servanda, sponsione, cum de iure sit hosti servanda fides; set ipse nec hosti fidem servavit, nec regi terreno aliter quam dubie militavit, et Eterno Principi impiissime servivit, quando corpus Salvatoris, in testimonium sue versute convencionis, fallaciter invocavit, et insuper communionem calicis recepit. Scripsit tamen regi literas de toto negocio, nihil occultans, itaque paratus ad Gallicorum amiciciam, si ipsi expedivissent, et in regis benevolenciam, casu quo Gallici a proposito frustrati fuissent convicti de fraccione treugarum et insuper forte multi redimendi caperentur. Set ita contingebat.

Note 1. Stow, Annales, 387, not always correctly: "During which feast and solemnitie, it was signified to the king by the secretaries of Americous of Padua, who was a feed man to the king of England, that on the fourteenth day of Januarie next comming Geffrey Charney, knight, and many other Frenchmen should be received into Caleis, unto whom the said towne was solde by the said Americous. But the towne being presently rescued by king Edwarde, the said Americous of Padua with other Genoways continued in Caleis, being maintained there at the costs of the French king against the king of England, when he besieged it; who also, after the yeelding of it to the king of England, being pardoned both of life and limme, from thenceforth continued and dwelt as a feed man of the kings in the said towne for the defence thereof. At that time the said Geffrey was lord of Matas, a man more skilful in war than any French man in Fraunce. Wherfore he was greatly esteemed, even to the time of his death. This crafty deviser indevoured by his letters, wherein hee made promise of large giftes of gold and-other sophisticall perswasions, quite to subvert the faith and loyaltie of the said Americous. Finally, this craftie deviser agreed with this false man that for twentie thousand French crownes he should let in the French men to the town, and, as much as lay in him, deliver up to the French men both the towne and castle. This bargaine being most traiterously made by oath and breaking of the Sacrament betwixt them, yet, al this notwithstanding, he wrote letters unto the king touching the state of the whole matter, but very privily, how that he was readie to shew friendship to the French men, yet meaning to make frustrate their purpose, whereby they should be convicted of breaking the truce, and also many of them should bee taken to bee raunsomed. Wherefore king Edward speedily passed over, being accompanied with his eldest sonne, the earle of March, and a few other, comming before the time appointed for the yeelding of the towne certaine daies. Therefore, being come to Caleis, hee laid certaine men of armes within the vaultes which were betwixt the outter gate and the inner parte of the castle, building a thinne and slender wall before them newly set up, not made of plaister but of counterfaite matter, which joyned to the other wall, craftily devised and made like the olde woorke, so that no man would judge that any were enclosed therein. Also he caused the maine postes of the drawe bridge to bee sawed almost in sunder, yet in such sorte that armed horse-men might ride over it; and for the purpose he had a great stone, which was laid up in a hole made in form of an arch, being in the forepart of the tower hanging over the bridge, in which he appointed a faithfull souldier should bee, in due time to throwe downe the said stone upon the bridge, that with the fall thereof the bridge being halfe cut in two should bee broken in sunder, and so that hole, where the stone was laid, should bee wrought in such sort that hee within shoulde perceive through the hole how many did enter in. Fewe we're made privie to this practise, neither did many know of the kings presence or of the prince of Wales, who, when they had wrought this feate, secretly conveied themselves into the towne. The day before the time of deliverie of this towne, Geffrey Cherney sent fifteene of his faithfullest men with the greater parte of the golde which was to bee paide, who should also trie the faith of Americous and the order of the castle, who, searching everie where, in everie tower and corner which they could finde open, could perceive nothing contrarie to their liking, whereupon, on the next day in the morning, they set up the French kings standerde in the highest tower of the castle, and the ancients also of Geffrey and of other lords upon other towers and places. Then the people of the towne, who kept common watch and ward, not knowing of this secrete devise, were greatly terrified therewith, in so much that they, taking weapon in hand, began to give a charge against the castell: by and by the French men, who had entred the day before, tooke Thomas Kingstone, then fleeing away, quite ignorant of that which was devised, and forceably they set him in the stockes. Then certaine of them being sent out to the French men, their companions and masters, who lay without in ambushes, shewed them the ancients and standard set up, and all to be well, even as they would have it, hastening them forward to come to the defence of the castle against the townes men: wherefore they, rising from their lurking places, advanced themselves in pride and bragging, and came by heapes in at the gates of the castle. The townes people, perceiving this, had much adoe to forbeare their hands from them, had not their chiefe leaders withdrawen them from it, least some danger should have happened to them that lay hid. By and by those that lay hid closed under the arches of the walles prepared themselves to breake out upon their enemies. In like sort also he that with the great stone was shut up in the hole, after that he saw so many entred in, esteeming that his fellowes were sufficient to overthrow them, with that great stone put to his custodie he brake the drawbridge by the which the enemies had entred in, but being once in could not goe that way out againe. When the stone was thus downe and had discharged the thing for which it was laid up, and the French men deceived by that pollicie, they were enclosed safe ynough. At the noyse of this stone and the bridge that brake, these armed men, of whom before I spake, breaking downe their counterfaite wall, behinde the which all the deceite was hid, they presently set themselves in order to invade the French men, bitten (sic) to a bitter breakfast. The conflict was sharpe for a good season, but at length the enemies being overcom yeelded themselves to the pleasure of the conquerours. They which were without and had not entred, as soone as they perceived their companions to be deceived, fled, after whom the king with scarce sixeteene men of armes and as many archers followed apace, the runnawayes not knowing what companie would follow them: many in this chase were wearied, and many mo slaine, and in a small time the king overcame daungerous and great labours: but at length, when it was understood by them that fled how few there were that chased them, fourescore armed men turned them against the king. I dare not ascribe this boldnesse of the king in chasing his enemies to his wisdome, but onely to the stoutnesse of his minde, the which is well knowen through Gods grace to be brought to good effect by his meanes, though the daunger were never so great: for, when he perceived that the French men had turned themselves to withstand him, he cast away the scaberd of his sword, and comforting his men about him, setting them in good order, exhorted them to play the men lustily. The archers, being placed in the marish against the sides of the enemies, stood on drie hilles, which were compassed about with quagge-myres and foggie places, that neither horse-men nor foote-men might approch them, but they should rather be drowned in mudde then come neere to hurt them: these also did the king comfort, saying to them "Doe well, you archers, play the men lustily, and knowe that I am Edward of Windsore." Then the presence of the king and necessitie of the matter stirred up their hearts to doe well: the archers, uncovering their heads, stripping up their sleeves, bent themselves to bestow their arrowes in such sorte that they might not be lost: and, as the French men drew towards them, they saluted them after with their arrowes. The armed men of both parts stood in order to fight upon a long and narrowe causeway, the breadth whereof was not able to receive scarce twentie men of armes in a front, having on both sides thereof the marish, in the which the archers were placed, who gawled and wounded their enemies on the sides, fleeing as thicke as haile. The king and his men before with the archers on the side slewe and tooke a great many: and many of them stood stoutly to it, till at the length by the comming of the prince of Wales the French were put to flight. After a long chase in pursuing the enemies, they returning backe againe to Caleis numbred those which were fled, as well as those which were taken, and they found that for the taking of the castle (as the prisoners reported) there came a thousand men of armes and sixe hundred armed men, but they which served were above three thousand Thus by pollicie and devised treason the authors thereof came to death and destruction: neither Eustachius himselfe escaped scotfree from the snares, for he, within a while after, being taken by the French men, was burned alive with, a hot yron, and degraded from the order of knighthood by the cutting off of his heeles and depriving of his tongue by abscition: afterward, he. was hanged up, and last of all beheaded and quartered, receiving just punishment for his treason and false forswearing."

The story of the attempt on Calais is best known from Froissart's picturesque narrative, founded on Le Bel. It is curious that there should be confusion regarding the date of the event. Le Bel gives the year 1348, and in this he is followed by certain MSS. of Froissart, while in others the more correct date 1349 is found. Baker also, as we have seen, inclines to 1348. The actual attempt took place in the night between the last day of 1349 and New Year's day 1350. The Grandes Chroniques de France, v. 491, and Avesbury, 408, whose account of the affair is very well given, are both in the right as regards the year. The confusion between 1348 and 1349 may have arisen (as it does appear to have arisen in Baker's mind) from the fact that Edward was at Calais at about the same time in both years.

Avesbury, pages 408-410: "In the year of our Lord 1349, while a certain Genoese served as captain of the castle of Calais under the King of England, Sir Geoffroy de Charny, a knight and a native of Picardy, who was one of the principal counselors of King Philip of Valois, plotted and conspired to seize the castle of Calais deceitfully and secretly since he could not take it by open assault. Having held a secret discussion with the said Genoese, Charny promised him many thousands of florins if he would agree and lend his effort to help carry out the scheme in secret. However, the Genoese, unwilling to betray the King of England, his lord, whose bread he ate and who placed great trust in him, wanted nonetheless to pocket the promised gold. So, speaking peacefully with Sir Geoffroy de Charny, he feigned agreement, cleverly pretending to go along with the plan. On the appointed day, namely on the morrow of the Feast of the Circumcision of the Lord (i.e., January 2, 1349), the said Sir Geoffroy arrived before Calais with a large force of armed men. He paid a substantial portion of the promised gold to the Genoese. Then the Genoese, leaving his own son as a hostage with the French to guarantee their security, took the money and, accompanied by some men sent by Charny to scout whether the entry into the castle could be safely managed, returned to the castle. These scouts carefully inspected every part of the castle, repeatedly examining it with diligent scrutiny. They found nothing that seemed dangerous or suspicious and reported this back to Sir Geoffroy just as they had found it. Thereupon, Sir Geoffroy sent a number of armed men to seize and hold the castle. But when these men entered, a wooden drawbridge at the castle gates, previously prepared as a trap, was cleverly raised, locking all those who had entered inside and keeping the others out. Then, about sixty armed Englishmen, who had been hiding silently within the castle, sprang up and valiantly captured all the French who had entered. Meanwhile, King Edward III of England, having been warned of this treacherous plot by Sir Geoffroy de Charny, had secretly entered Calais days before with a suitable number of men-at-arms and archers, unbeknownst to his enemies. Once the trap had been sprung, the king left the town of Calais through one gate, heading toward the fields, while his son, Edward the Black Prince, exited by another gate toward the sea, each leading their own detachments. They boldly attacked the French, who were twice as numerous as the English, and fought them fiercely. The main force of the English had been so occupied engaging the French in battle apart from the king that King Edward was left with barely thirty men-at-arms and very few archers. Observing this, the said Lord Geoffroi de Charny, being not far from the king, began to advance toward him with a large company of French noblemen, all heavily armed and on horseback. Then the said Lord King, placed in such great and present danger, did not yield, but, like a valiant and high-spirited knight, drew his sword and cried out in a loud voice: "A! Edward, Saint George! A! Edward, Saint George!" When the French heard these words, they were so astonished that they lost their nerve, as one noble knight among them, who was later taken prisoner, recounted afterward."

Note 2. Americo di Pavia. The description here given of him seems to be a true one. He was apparently a Lombard mercenary (Avesbury calls him a Genoese) "In whom King Edward trusted so much that he had made him castellan and keeper of Calais." (Le Bel, ii. 147). Froissart, iv. 72, with his usual embellishment, represents him as having been reared by Edward: "The noble King of England had pity on the Lombard, whom he loved greatly, for he had raised him from childhood". Le Bel tells us that Edward discovered the intended treachery, not through the traitor's confession, but by some other means. Americo's position in Calais has been exaggerated. He is generally represented as captain of the castle; Froissart also puts him in command of the town, whereas John Beauchamp had held that command since 1st January, 1349. He was probably nothing more than captain of one of the towers forming part of the walls of the town, as stated in the text. He had been appointed captain of the king's galleys, 24th April, 1348. Fœdera, iii. 159.

Note 3. Geoffroi de Charny, seigneur de Pierre-Perthuis, de Montfort et de Savoisy, a soldier, who was at this time captain of Saint-Omer. In 1352 he was made one of the knights of the newly-founded order of the Star. He fell at Poitiers. In the present affair he was taken prisoner by sir John de Potenhale (Devon, Issue Rolls of the Exchequer, 158). Baker gives him the title of 'dominus de Matas' i.e. 'Lord of Matas', which however is not found attached to his name in the French accounts of him. But it is a coincidence, if nothing else, that Chandos Herald, the author of The Black Prince (Roxburghe Club), names 'Matas' as one of the chief men who fell at Poitiers; and that Bartholomew, lord Burghersh, in his letter describing the battle (ibid. 369), gives the two names 'mons. Geffray Charny; mons. Geffrey Matas' in juxtaposition, in his list of the slain; and also that, in the same manner, the two names 'Mounsire Geffray Charny; Le sire de Mathas' come together in the list at the end of Avesbury's chronicle. With Baker's statement confronting us, we are tempted to think that in the Poitiers lists two men have been made out of one.

Note 4. The amount of the bribe was 20,000 ecus d'or. This coin was worth a little more than a half-noble, or about 2s 10d.