Biography of Eustace Chapuys 1490-1556

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1529. 25th October 1529. Bradford, 256. 6026. Chapuys (age 39) to Charles V (age 29).

On the receipt of your letter on Thursday the 21st, dated Piacenza, I sent to Windsor to ask for an audience. As the administration has fallen principally into the hands of the Duke of Norfolk (age 56), and the communication is more agreeable to him than that of the marriage, I hastened to visit him. The Cardinal (age 56), who was dis-evangelised on the day of St. Luke the Evangelist (18 Oct.), has been deprived of his offices. I was received by the Duke with great distinction, and expressed to him the regard in which you had always held him for his goodwill. He seemed highly pleased, and said that he and his family had always been attached to the house of Burgundy; that no one more lamented the late disagreements than himself, but that all the evil and misunderstanding ought to be attributed to those who formerly directed the King's councils, acting by their own will and authority, with which the King himself was often dissatisfied.

In reply to his remark that he should like to serve your Majesty against the Turk, I praised his virtuous feelings, and told him that was the main object of my communication; but for the better security of peace, which the King had done so much to establish, one unhappy difference between himself and the Queen remained to be settled. I told him that, however strongly he might feel from family considerations, he could not but feel as a true knight, nor act otherwise than if it had been his own daughter, and as conscience directed; and that your Majesty was convinced that he had not been the promoter of this step. He replied that he would sooner have lost one of his hands than that such a question should have arisen; but it was entirely a matter of law and conscience, and he had never been appealed to; that it had been submitted to ecclesiastics and doctors, who had pronounced against the validity of the marriage; that if the dispensation you held was illegal, the King would consider himself the most abused prince in Christendom; and that if you had not declared yourself in it so openly, it might have sooner been brought to a satisfactory issue. I explained to him the constraint under which you acted; and that, as to the king of England not having declared himself a party in the matter, it was clear that he had done so from the proceedings of the English ambassadors at Rome. Finding he remained thoughtful, I changed the subject. Shortly after he turned to me with a laugh, and said, "How glad the Emperor will be to hear of this fall of the Cardinal, and his loss of office?" I answered, I thought you would, but not from any hatred you had to the Cardinal; and that he could have done neither good nor ill to you, and was not of such importance as that you would care to be avenged, or trouble yourself about his disgrace; but what you rejoiced at was, that the king of England would now learn who had been his evil counsellors, and leave the management of affairs to men who from birth and circumstances were more competent. I told him that I was the first who had broken through the chain of paying court to the Cardinal, and addressed myself to him. He thanked me for my good intentions, and said that the government was managed not by an individual but by the Council, where he usually assisted, and would promote Your Majesty's interests.

In order to please the Duke I asked him what I should do, although I had already sent one of my secretaries to the King. He told me that the King had ordered that application should be made direct to himself, before any other person was acquainted with the communication. He followed me to the hall, using very courteous language.

On the 22nd my secretary returned from Windsor, stating that the King would be at Greenwich on Saturday, and I was to go the day after. On my reaching Greenwich [Map] I found a civil gentleman, named Poller (Bollen?), sent by the King to conduct me to the palace. There I found the bishop of London (age 55), who led me to the King's antechamber, where the Court was assembled, and was received by two dukes and the archbishop of Canterbury (age 79). I conversed with these lords, waiting for the King to go to mass; and we talked of the conference at Bologna. The King, on going to mass, came directly to me, and taking me by the sleeve said, with the utmost graciousness, "You have news from my brother the Emperor." On answering Yes, he asked the date, and then said your Majesty was very careful to give him information. I assured him that you were anxious to make him partaker of all affairs, and thus show your brotherly affection. I then presented your letters, and, as to the particulars of my credentials, he said that the ambassadors in your court were authorised to treat about them. Speaking of your going into Italy I bespoke his good offices.

On his return from mass, he came up to me again, and resumed the subject. When we talked of the necessity of resisting the Turk, and of the Pope's arrival at Bologna on the 5th, I said I thought it advisable that he should commission his ambassadors with the Pope to treat; and I combated his remark that he could do but little against the Turk, seeing he was wealthy, and as absolute in his dominions as the Pope. He urged that this affair was chiefly yours, and if you wished to accomplish it you must make peace with the princes of Italy. I assured him you had never ceased from efforts in this direction. The conversation then turned on the duke Francesco Sforza; and I urged, in opposition to his remark, that your proceedings were as favorable to the Duke as could be. He objected to the cession of Pavia and Alexandria, alleging the cruelties which had taken place at Sienna. I told him Pavia was out of dispute, as it was already given up. "Between ourselves," said he, "I think it is a great shame that whilst the Turk is in Austria, the patrimony of the Emperor, he should not rescue it, but make war upon Christians." On my urging the danger that might be expected from Sforza and the Venetians if your troops were withdrawn, he urged that neither could do anything. Shortly after, changing his tone, he said, with some emphasis, "My brother the king of France has made your Emperor a marvellous offer." This he repeated three times. I said, if it were so, he had now done a virtuous part, and kept his professions. After various other topics it grew late. Not a word was said of the Queen. After dinner he asked me if I had anything more to say.

All here are satisfied with the treaty of Cambray. As for the observance of it, the Queen, as I have already written, has expressed her doubt of its duration. It is supposed to have cost this King 800,000 ducats. He is not therefore likely to break it. People here are not very anxious to repeat the dose, as it is not to their taste. At present they seem on good terms with the French. The ambassador has been only once at court with his brother since my arrival. He has been commanded to deliver his message to the Council, and abstain from communication with the Cardinal; at which he was greatly vexed. Various ambassadors are here. The most in favour is the Milanese, on whom the King has spent money. Those who are now in most credit are the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk (age 45). There is not a single person about the King who is not saturated with French money; and though they profess great affection to you, their affection for money is much stronger. I have submitted the proposition to the King respecting the sea being kept free from pirates. He has ordered a good reception for Mons. Rosymbez.

The downfall of the Cardinal is complete. He is dismissed from the Council, deprived of the Chancellorship, and constrained to make an inventory of his goods in his own hand, that nothing may be forgotten. It is said that he has acknowledged his faults, and presented all his effects to the King. Yesterday the King returned to Greenwich by water secretly, in order to see them, and found them much greater than he expected. He took with him "sa mye" (his darling-Ann Boleyn (age 28)), her mother (age 49), and a gentleman of his chamber (Norris?) The Cardinal, notwithstanding his troubles, has always shown a good face, especially towards the town, but since St. Luke's Day all has been changed to sighs and tears night and day. The King, either moved by pity, or for fear if he should die the whole extent of his effects would not be found, sent him a ring for his comfort. He has withdrawn with a small attendance to a place ten miles off. They have sent for his son from Paris. People say execrable things of him, all which will be known at this Parliament. But those who have raised the storm will not let it abate, not knowing, if he returned to power, what would become of them. The ambassador of France commiserates him most. It was feared the Cardinal would get his goods out of the country, and therefore a strict watch was kept at the ports, and the watch insisted on opening the coffers of cardinal Campeggio (age 54), notwithstanding his passport, and, on his refusal, broke open the locks. He said they had done him great wrong to suppose that he could be corrupted by the Cardinal, since he had been proof against the innumerable presents offered him by the King.

The Chancellor's seal has remained in the hands of the Duke of Norfolk till this morning, when it was transferred to Sir Thomas More (age 51). Every one is delighted at his promotion, because he is an upright and learned man, and a good servant of the Queen. He was Chancellor of Lancaster, an office now conferred on the Sieur Villeury (Fitzwilliam). Richard Pace, a faithful servant of your Majesty, whom the Cardinal had kept in prison for two years, as well in the Tower of London as in a monastery (Syon House), is set at liberty. Unless his mind should again become unsettled, it is thought he will rise in higher favour at Court than ever.

There is a young man here, sent by the duke of Saxony, who has much business with the King and the bishop of London.

Of the King's affair there is nothing new to communicate, except what the bishop of London has told me, that Dr. Stokesley (age 54) had been sent to France to consult the doctors of Paris. The Queen begs your Majesty will send some respectable person there to do the same, for without some definitive sentence the King will remain obstinate in his opinions. She thinks that delay will be more dangerous than profitable, and therefore we have thought it desirable not to consent to the postponement demanded. To avoid creating suspicion in the mind of the King, she thinks I had better cease to visit her, but she will provide means for my speaking with her in private. London, 25 Oct. 1529.

P.S.-Two days after I had written the above, the Cardinal was definitively condemned by the Council, declared a rebel, and guilty of high treason for having obtained a legatine bull, whereby he had conferred many benefices in the King's patronage. He has been deprived of his dignities, his goods confiscated, and himself sentenced to prison until the King shall decide. This sentence was not given in his presence, but to his two proctors. This he will not find easy of digestion, but worse remains behind (mais encoures ne serat il quicte pour le prix).

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533. 27th January 1533. Vienna Archives. 89. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

Three days ago received the Emperor's letters of the 27th ult., concerning the visit of the Emperor and the Pope to Bologna, and the exploit of the prince of Melphi. Communicated part of it to the duke of Norfolk (age 60), to be reported to the King, who was in the country. The Duke was pleased with the news, and thanked me for my good offices, saying they would be as agreeable to the King as to himself. I told him your Majesty was very desirous to preserve friendship, and had such confidence in the King that you would not conceal any of your affairs; you were pleased to hear that the two Cardinals were coming to Italy at the King's instance, and had put off treating with the Pope until their arrival. Said this partly on account of their refusal to allow ambassadors at the interview at Calais, but chiefly because the French ambassador had said that your Majesty wished to settle everything before the Cardinals arrived, but the Pope refused. Norfolk praised your intention, and said the Cardinals had already arrived at Bologna, and were honourably received. He spoke of the sumptuousness of their train, and wondered how they could assemble so great a company in so short a time, as it was agreed by the Kings that they should only take 24 horses between them. When I tried to find out the cause of their mission, he excused himself as before by his illness, which prevented him from attending to business. He said he wished the Emperor had been at St. Omer at the same time, for then the interview would not have been without his presence. I replied, that I thought they did not want many witnesses, as they prevented ambassadors from coming. He said the reason of this was that the object was not to make treaties, but only enjoyment, and it was not worth while to give ambassadors the trouble of coming, but that the presence of your Majesty's would have been the cause of proposing many important matters. I suggested that, perhaps, the Cardinals had orders to put forward what the Kings had wished to treat with your Majesty, and, if it was feasible, they might remedy your Majesty's absence at the inverview. The Duke hoped this would happen, and said that though the Cardinals were good men, and privy councillors of the French king, they only knew the outside of affairs, and everything was in the hands of the Chancellor, Grand Master, and Admiral, all of whom he praised, but especially the Admiral. The Grand Master he liked least of the three.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533. 9th February 1533. Vienna Archives. 142. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

Wrote last on the 29th. Though the Nuncio was put off eight days for an answer, he returned to the duke of Norfolk (age 60) the day I wrote last, and was with him a long time, though he told me nothing of it. Early the next morning he went to Greenwich, and was nearly all day with the King and Council, going from one to the other. Heard of this from a servant of the Queen, and went to the Nuncio to find out the mystery; but he would not repeat what had passed, as he had been accustomed to do, and concealed having spoken to the King and Council. When I said to him that since he had been put off to a certain day for his answer, as the nature of these people is to go further back the more they are pressed, he might injure his business instead of advancing it, he replied that he was a poor gentleman, living by his service, and it was right for him to act thus. I do not quite understand what he meant by this, unless that he pretended he could mend the affair somehow (que ainsi faisant il pourroit a quelque fin que tombat l'affere amender de ceulx cy.) He says that for a year they have made him large offers, if he would favor the divorce. Could get nothing out of him but that he had gone to Greenwich to find the man who had fixed the term of eight days for his answer, and being there did not omit to visit the duke of Norfolk. It seems probable from this dissimulation that the Nuncio was the promoter of these practices. Yesterday morning the King sent for him to give him his answer, and to take him to Parliament. The King went by water, and during the journey praised the Nuncio for his conduct, and thanked him for the affection and goodwill which he showed to his service. He asked him not to take it in bad part, if he gave him no other answer about the proposal he had made to him; the reason was not distrust, but because it would be a useless waste of time, as the whole must be referred to the Pope, and he would send his ambassadors full instructions and powers. The Nuncio told him that as the affair would not admit of delay, if the instructions and powers were not in proper form the Pope would be constrained to proceed to the sentence; for this reason it would be well to communicate the whole to him, and to cause the Queen to send a similar power. To this the King would not consent. The Nuncio told him that if this agreement took effect he must recall the Queen, and treat her more cordially. The King replied that he had already given him an answer about this, and he would do nothing of the kind, and for good reasons, her disobedience and extreme severity to him.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533. 15th February 1533. Vienna Archives. 160. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

The day my man left to go to your Majesty, the King, with a show of great confidence and friendship, sent to summon the Nuncio, desiring him, as he had been present at the assembly of the prelates and grand masters of the realm (the House of Peers), to do the same at the place of the knights and deputies of the Commons, where there would also be the ambassadors of France, viz., Montpesat, who left two days ago, laden with presents from the King, and Tinteville, his successor, who had just arrived. The Nuncio had no mind to comply, fearing some artifice to treat in his presence something prejudicial to the authority of the Holy See, as they have done before; but that letters came from his Holiness, commanding him to try if any means could be used for bringing the King to study the general good of Christendom; and as this gave him occasion to go to Court, he could not well excuse himself from visiting the said assembly, especially as the duke of Norfolk assured him that nothing should be said in his presence which in anyway affected the Pope. He accordingly went on this condition. They were discussing a measure against thieves, that they should not enjoy the immunity of the Church, except in a certain place. He stayed a very short time in the said assembly, in which the said ambassadors soon afterwards arrived, who, with the Nuncio, Norfolk, and others of the Council, were banqueted sumptuously at the lodging of treasurer Fitzwilliam. After dinner the Nuncio, hoping to have audience of the King, was put off till next day, in order that the new French ambassador might be heard, and also that the Nuncio might be seen more frequently in Court, for the same purpose that he was called to the said assembly,—which was, as the Duke frankly confessed to him, that all the world might see the great friendship and good understanding they had with his Holiness. By this presumption, as I lately wrote to your Majesty, they expect to make their profit as regards the people and the prelates, who have hitherto supported the authority of the Holy See, both in the Queen's matter and in everything else; who now, for the above reason, fearing to go against the Pope, dare not utter a syllable, as I am told by the bishop of Rochester, unless the Nuncio encourage them again, as he has promised to do, and which it is very necessary to do to take away the said presumption.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533. 8th March 1533. Vienna Archives. 212. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

I wrote on the 23rd ult. On the 24th I received your Majesty's letters of the 28th Jan. The same day Langez arrived from France, and a French gentleman named Beauvoix from Scotland, who have been, as usual, well received, and dined at the King's table with the other Ambassador the day after their arrival, which was Shrove Tuesday, when the Lady (age 32) took the place usually occupied by the Queen; and there were present the duke of Norfolk (age 60) and other great masters, except Suffolk, although he had been expressly called to come with the order of France. The said Langez and Beauvoix were here but four days, and were every day in Court and in communication with the King and Council, "mays non poinct fort griemant;" and it seems that their hasty despatch was either because Langez could not arrange anything important, or to hasten the settlement of their dispute with Scotland. I think one of the chief objects of Langez's coming has been to take resolution with those here about the Council, which both parties desire to prevent. I am led to think this, because, in talking with Langez, he suddenly said to me that your Majesty had obtained your desire, viz., the said Council, and that the Pope had no mind to refuse you anything since he had been punished by your Majesty by imprisonment and otherwise. And on my declaring to him the displeasure you had felt at his Holiness's imprisonment, and his sudden deliverance as soon as you were informed of it, he intimated that a ransom had been paid for the said deliverance, although it was more honorable and gracious than his Holiness deserved. This I could not allow to pass after declaring the respect you had always felt for his Holiness, and showed that the Pope had done more for his master than for your Majesty, pointing out also the necessity of the said Council, which the Pope must have promoted without being asked. On this Langez retracted what he had said. He told me his master had written to the Pope that a Council was reasonable and necessary, but that two conditions ought to be observed: first, that it must be in a suitable place where all could attend, and if it were held in Italy he should have the right of bringing as many forces as you had brought; and (2) that it should treat of nothing but what concerned the Faith, and enter into no particular quarrels. He did not enter fully into the said conditions, for Brian had just come for him and the other Ambassadors to conduct them to Court, taking no particular pleasure in my conversation with him. Suggests reasons for these conditions; among others, the fear they have lest it should be proposed to restore to the Empire the temporalities now held by the Pope, doubting that your Majesty would grow too great thereby.

Langez proceeded to justify the course he had taken at Paris about the divorce, saying he had not done any bad turn there, as people thought, and that he no more desired the divorce than I did. And he said that last year, when he was in Germany, he had found certain of your ministers very little inclined to the preservation of peace with his master; for that they said that his master had promoted the coming of the Turks. Further, in the course of conversation he said that you had used certain words at an assembly at Ratisbon not honorable to the King his master, stating that when he had been asked for succour against the Turk he had replied that he would not hazard his people.

In consequence of their hurry to go to Court, I had no leisure to treat with the gentleman who returned from Scotland. Conversation with Langez on the peace there, who professed ignorance of what this gentleman has done. Asked Norfolk, but could get no information. He told me that Langez had talked to the King and his Council, as he had done to me, but did not say much, as Suffolk and Wiltshire (age 56) were standing by while he had to go to the King, who had sent for him already three times. I hope I shall find out some of the particulars of Langez's charge. As to the other, I have learned that since the Scotch king received the Order (of the Golden Fleece) from your Majesty, the Scots are no longer inclined to France, and have proceeded so far as to beat down the arms of France, and put up the Imperial arms in their room. On being informed of this, the French king had sent him to James, explaining that he had not put off giving his daughter in marriage to him. To which the Scotch king made a gracious and prudent answer, expressive of his affection for France; and as to the reception of the Order, he had merely acted in conformity [with your liberality], of which he could not repent; and he spoke much in praise of you.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533. 31st March 1533. Vienna Archives. 296. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

As I wrote before, the King was only waiting for the bulls of the archbishopric of Canterbury, in order to proceed to the decision of his marriage; which having arrived within these five days, to the great regret of everybody, the King was extremely urgent with the synod here for the determination of his said affair, "tenant Passistance se de que," so that those present could scarcely eat or drink, and using such terms to them that no one dared open his mouth to contradict, except the good bishop of Rochester. But his single voice cannot avail against the majority, so that the Queen and he now consider her cause desperate. It is expected that the new marriage will be solemnised before Easter or immediately after, for all the necessary preparations are already in order, the royal estate of the lady is already made, and nothing remains but to publish it. Everybody cries out "au murdre" against the Pope for the delay he has used in this affair, and also because he has not delayed the despatch of the said bulls until after the definitive sentence, because he was warned of the great danger of granting them; and there is not a lord in this court, either on the King's side or the Queen's, who does not say publicly that his Holiness will betray your Majesty. But the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk speak of it with more assurance, saying they know it well, and could give good evidence of it; though I believe their words proceed rather from hatred than from truth. His Holiness will be among the first to repent this, for he will lose his authority here, which will be not a little scandal to Christendom, and prejudice to the Queen. For among other things contained in the libel exhibited in Parliament against the Pope's authority, it is expressed that no one shall appeal from here to Rome on any matter, temporal or spiritual, on pain of confiscation of body and goods as a rebel; and that this statute is to be valid not only for the future but even for processes already commenced, which clause directly applies to the Queen; and I have been informed, though I cannot believe it, that if the Queen persist in her appeal the King will deprive her of her dowry (dot et douaire).

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533. 10th April 1533. Vienna Archives. 324. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

Notwithstanding the remonstrances heretofore made by the Estates of the danger to which the King exposes himself and the kingdom, they have done the very contrary as much as they could, and there was no remedy that the King by his absolute will should not have constrained them to conclude and pass what he had put forward against the Pope's authority, viz., to declare that all processes, even in the case of marriage, ought to be settled in this kingdom, without recourse to the Pope, under pain of high treason; and that if any one in such a case bring in excommunication into this kingdom, he shall be considered as a traitor, and without any further process be sent to an ignominious death. This is only aimed at the Queen; which some of the Parliament seeing, one of whom sat for the city of London, who had formerly been in Spain, and is my very good friend, they proposed that if the King would agree to remit the decision of the affair of the Queen and of the Pope to a General Council, they would provide among the people 200,000l. But there is no chance that the King will listen that the affair be determined otherwise than by the Archbishop, of whom he is perfectly assured, as he has performed the office of espousal (de l'esposement), as I have formerly written to you; and he is fully resolved, as he has told many, and those of his Council publish, that immediately after Easter he will solemnize his marriage and the coronation of the Lady. The better to prepare the way, he sent yesterday the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the marquis and the earl of Ausburg (?) to the Queen, to tell her that she must not trouble herself any more, nor attempt to return to him, seeing that he is married, and that henceforth she abstain from the title of Queen, and assume the title of duchess (princess), leaving her the entire enjoyment of the goods she formerly had, and offering her more, if she needed more. The Queen would not fail to advertise me of the interview. I know not whether they are in any doubt as to the Queen's willingness to dislodge or not; but about eight days ago, the King's council commanded my lord Mountjoy to rejoin her with all diligence, and keep watch upon her, and not leave her.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 15th April 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

About a week ago the sieur de Rochefort (age 30) (George Boleyn) returned from France with the sieur de Beauvoes (Beauvoir), who started yesterday for Scotland for the purpose of inducing king James to place his differences with this King (age 41) into his master's hand, and making him judge and arbiter of their differences. I have been told by a very worthy man that the duke of Albany's secretary returning from a visit to the said Beaulvoys (sic) had assured him that the said ambassador would be unable to accomplish his mission in Scotland, and that war would go on fiercer than ever. Indeed it would seem as if the Scots at this moment more prosperous than ever, for instead of being as before on the defensive, they are continually making raids on the borders. For this purpose did Mr. de Rocchefort go to France as it is now ascertained. These people, as I am told, wish immensely for peace with Scotland, but God, as I said above, has taken away their senses, and they cannot see how to bring it about. The said Mr. de Rocchefort, as his own servants assert, has been presented in France with 2,000 crs., no doubt for the good tidings of his sister's (age 32) marriage, to whom the Most Christian King has now written a letter addressing her as Queen. I fancy, moreover, that the French consider this good news, firstly: because it is likely to be the means of breaking off the friendship between Your Majesty and this king, and also, because it might ultimately be the cause of freeing the French from their debt and payment of pensions, either through sheer necessity, or for fear these people may have of their ultimately joining you, should the Pope proceed to sentence the case and have the censures executed-a thing which, in my opinion, Your Majesty ought to urge in every possible way-the French would be released from all their bonds and pecuniary obligations to this king.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 15th April 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

On Tuesday the 7th inst., having been informed of the strange and outrageous conduct and proceedings of this king (age 41) against the Queen (age 47), whereof I have written to Your Majesty, I went to Court at the hour appointed for the King's audience, that I might there duly remonstrate against the Queen's treatment. I took with me Mr. Hesdin, who by the consent of the Queen [of Hungary] is now here to claim the arrears of his pension, in order that he might be present, and hear the remonstrances I had to address the King, hoping also that if I had to use threatening language the King might not be so much offended if uttered in the presence of the said Hesdin. On my arrival at Greenwich [Map] the earl of Vulchier (age 56) (Wiltshire) came to meet me, and leading me to the apartments of the duke of Norfolk (age 60), who had just gone to see the Queen, said to me that the King being very much engaged at that hour had deputed him to listen to what I had to say, and report thereupon. My answer was that my communication was of such a nature and so important that I could not possibly make it to anyone but to the King in person. Until now he had never refused me audience, or put me off, and I could not think that he would now break through the custom without my having given him any occasion for it, especially as the King knew that Your Majesty most willingly received the English ambassadors at all hours, whatever might be their errand or business. The Earl repeated his excuses, and seemed at first disinclined to take my answer back to the King, until at last, perceiving my firm determination, he went in and came back saying the King would see me immediately, though he still tried to ascertain what my business was, and advised me to put off my communication until after the festivals. It was settled at last that I should see the King on Thursday in Holy Week, on which day having about me a copy of my last despatch [to Your Majesty], I took again the road to Court, accompanied as before by the said Master Hesdin, and was introduced to the Royal presence by the same earl of Wiltshire. The King received us graciously enough. After the usual salutations and inquiries about Your Majesty's health, the King asked me what news I had of your movements. I answered that the letters I had received last were rather old, but that I had reason to believe you had already embarked to return to Spain at the beginning of this present month. This statement the King easily believed, and was rejoiced to hear (such is his wish to see you fairly out of Italy). I added that the weather for the last days could not have been more favourable, and therefore that it was to be hoped Your Majesty had reached Spain in safety. Having then asked me whether I had other news to communicate, I told him that your brother, the king of the Romans (age 30), had made his peace with the Turk, and that the latter had sent an embassy, at which piece of intelligence the King remained for some time in silent astonishment as if he did not know what to answer.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 15th April 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

After this, coming to the principal object of my visit, I told him plainly that, although for several days past I had heard of the attempt made both at the convocation of the prelates and in Parliament to impugn the Queen's (age 47) rights, and greatly injure her just cause, I had taken no notice of the facts, inasmuch as I could not be persuaded that so wise, virtuous, and Catholic a prince could possibly authorize or sanction such things, and also because I thought and believed that such practices (menees) could in no wise impair the Queen's right or cause her harm. Yet that having lately been apprized from various quarters that such an attempt was really being made, I considered that I could not acquit myself of my duty towards God, towards Your Imperial Majesty, and towards himself if I did not remonstrate at once against such behaviour, and entreat him by his virtue, wisdom, and humanity patiently to listen to my observations as proceeding from my desire for his service, for that though he might disregard and despise man, he would at least respect God. To which the King (age 41) answered that so he had done, and that God and his conscience were perfectly agreed on that point.

Hearing the King express himself in this manner and wishing to bring him back to the subject as gently as possible, I observed that my colleague and I could not but be very much flattered at the familiar way in which he had expressed his sentiments, as if we were his own servants, which sentiments, I added, proceeded no doubt from his heart not from his mouth. He assured me, however, that such was not the case, and that what he had just said had been said without dissimulation. Upon which I again said to him that I could not believe that Christianity, being so agitated and troubled by heresies, he could possibly set so bad an example and contravene the treaties of peace and amity which, as he himself, who had been the principal promoter and mediator in them ought to know best, had cost so much time and trouble to make. He ought to know that even supposing no inconvenience arose therefrom in his lifetime there would be most serious ones after his death with regard to the succession. There had never been such a case, I continued, nor did we read of it in history, as for a prince to divorce his legitimate wife after five and twenty years, and marry another woman. Not knowing what to answer to my observations, the King gladly seized the opportunity which I gave him by this last statement to contradict me, and said: "Not so long, if you please; and if the world finds this new marriage of mine strange, I find it still more so that the Pope [Julius] should have granted a dispensation for the former." I then mentioned to him five popes who had dispensed in similar cases, and declared that I was unwilling to dispute that matter with him, but that there was no doctor in his kingdom, who after such a debate would not confess that pope Julius was authorized to dispense in the case. After this, coming to speak about the manner in which his solicitors had procured the votes of the university of Paris, on which he founds his principal argument, I offered to produce the letters I had received relating the whole affair, as well as the names of those who had held for the Queen, but he said there was no necessity at all for that. I, moreover, told him that neither in Spain, nor in Naples, nor in any other country could one single prelate or doctor be found to assert the contrary, and that even in his own kingdom every canonist and lawyer was of the same opinion, with the exception of the few who had been gained over to the other side, and I proposed, in confirmation of my statement, to exhibit other letters, which he likewise refused to see.

At last, wishing to turn the conversation, the King said that he wished to ensure the succession to his kingdom by having children, which he had not at present, and upon my remarking to him that he had one daughter, the most virtuous and accomplished that could be thought of, just of suitable age to be married and get children, and that it seemed as if Nature had decided that the succession to the English throne should be through the female line, as he himself had obtained it, and therefore, that he could by marrying the Princess to some one secure the succession he was so anxious for, he replied that he knew better than that; and would marry again in order to have children himself. And upon my observing to him that he could not be sure of that he asked me three times running: "Am I not a man like others?" and he afterwards added: "I need not give proofs of the contrary, or let you into my secrets," no doubt implying thereby that his beloved Lady (age 32) is already in the family way.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 15th April 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

After this we came to speak about the Queen (age 47) and to argue whether she had or had not been known by Prince Arthur, and after responding victoriously to the suppositions and conjectures which he alleged in support of his opinion, I produced such arguments in proof of the contrary that he really knew not what to answer. Which arguments having been brought forward on more than one occasion I will not trouble Your Majesty with a reproduction of them, and will only say "que venant a reprendre le dit seigneur roy ce que plusieurs fois il auoit confesse, que la royne demeura pucelle du dit prince Arthus, et voyant quil ne le pouvoit nyer, il dit quil lauoit plusieurs fois dit mais que ce nauoit este que en ieu, et que lhome en iouant et banquetant dit souvent pluseures (sic) choses que ne sont veritables." Having said as much as if he had obtained a great success, or found some subtle point towards the gaining of his cause, he began to recover his self-possession and said confidently to me: "Now I think I have given you full satisfaction on all points; what else do you want?" Whatever the King (age 41) might say the satisfaction was not all-sufficing, but it served me admirably, much more than he himself could imagine, to dispute certain premises he had laid down. I told him that I flattered myself that I was the ambassador of the prince who desired most his welfare, profit, and honour, as well as the tranquillity of his kingdom. I had brought with me Master Hesdin, there present, who was, and acknowledged himself to be, his affectionate servant- as did also all Your Majesty's officers-that he might be present at the conference and hear what his answer was; but I would promise most solemnly that nothing that might be said at that audience should be reported to you unless he himself wished, for I consented to the said Hesdin giving me the lie if I ever attempted to write to Your Majesty anything he (the King) did dislike. This I said to the King that I might inspire greater confidence and make him open his heart more fully (lui fere deslier le sac). The better to gain his confidence I told him how happy I had once considered myself at being chosen by Your Majesty to represent your person near so great and magnanimous a king, hoping that his Privy Council, taking due cognizance of the affairs pending between the two crowns, everything should go on smoothly. Now, on the contrary, affairs had taken such a disorderly turn, and were in such confusion that I considered myself unhappy in having to represent Your Majesty, inasmuch as I had continually assured you in my despatches that whatever countenance the King put on, and whatever he did his heart and the affection he bore Your Majesty were not affected, and that he would never think of doing anything that might give occasion to suspect that he intended living otherwise than in peace and amity with Your Imperial Majesty. At these words, and without waiting to hear the rest, as if he wished to avoid alt further conversation on this delicate subject, the King frowned, and moving his head to and fro, said rather abruptly: "Before I listen to such representations, I must know from whom they proceed, whether from the Emperor, your master, or from yourself; for if they be private remarks of your own I shall know how to answer them." And upon my answering that it was superfluous to ask whether I could have received commission to complain of facts and things which had only taken place a week ago, the intelligence of which would require a full month to be transmitted, and perhaps, too, four successive despatches of mine before it was believed-my general charge and instructions being to maintain by all best means the peace and friendship between Your Majesty and him, and especially to watch over the Queen's affairs, since from them depended in a great measure that very friendship-the King replied that you yourself had nothing to do with the laws, statutes, and constitutions of his kingdom, and that in spite of all opposition he would pass such laws and ordinances in his dominions as he thought proper, adding many other things in the same strain. My reply was that Your Majesty neither could nor would hinder any such legislative measures, but on the contrary would, if necessary, help him in them unless they personally affected the Queen, whom he wanted to compel to renounce her appeal [to Rome] and submit entirely to the judgment of the prelates of his kingdom who, either won by promises or threatened with that punishment which had already attained those who upheld the Queen's right, could not fail to decide in his favour and against her. After this I repeated what I had told him on previous occasions in Your Majesty's name, that is to say: that the fact of the case being determined here, in England, as he wished, would in nowise remove hereafter the doubts about the succession for the reasons above explained, He, himself, considering how unreasonable and illegal it would be to have the case tried and decided in England, when the authority of the Holy Apostolic See was concerned, had from the beginning of the suit asked the Papal permission for the two cardinals (Campeggio (age 58) and York) to take cognizance of the case here. Even after that he had allowed the Queen to appeal to Rome, and in the course of time not satisfied with that had himself, and through others, solicited the Queen to consent to the case being tried out of Rome, not here in England, for he knew that to be a most unreasonable demand, but in a neutral place. For these reasons I said the Queen cannot and ought not to be tied by laws and statutes to which no one hardly had consented, and which had been carried by compulsion. To this remark of mine the King replied half in a passion (demy appassione): "All persuasions and remonstrances are absolutely in vain. Had I known that the audience you applied for had no other object than to speak to me of these things I certainly should have found some excuse to break through the established rule, and escape from such objurgations." But on my representing to him the object of my calling, and telling him that he was positively bound to listen not only to what an ambassador of Your Majesty, but the commonest mortal, had to say to him in a case of this sort, and the courteous and humane manner in which you had always treated his ambassadors, he was obliged to retract, and said that as regarded the commission granted to the two cardinals he could not deny that he himself had applied for it, but that was, he said, under a promise made by the Pope that the cause should never be revoked [from England]; but since His Holiness withdrew all the commissions he had previously given, he (the King) did likewise reject the offer to have the case tried and sentenced in a neutral place, for he wished it to be determined here and not elsewhere. As to his consent to the Queen's appeal he had only given it conditionally, and provided the statutes and constitutions of the kingdom allowed of it, not otherwise, and said that lately a prohibitive one had been made in Parliament which the Queen herself, as an English subject, was bound to obey. Hearing this I could not help observing that laws and constitutions had no retroactive power, and that they could only be enforced in the future. As to the Queen being an English subject I owned that she being his legitimate wife was really and truly such, and that consequently all debate about constitutions and appeals was not only superfluous but out of the question; but that if the Queen, however, was, as he asserted, not his wife, she could not be called an English subject, for she only resided in this country in virtue of her marriage, not otherwise, and Common Law establishes that the claimant is to bring his action before the tribunal of the country whereof the defendant is a native. The Queen might as well ask to have her case tried in Spain, but this she had never attempted, contenting herself that the court to which he himself had firstly applied as claimant should take cognizance of the affair, that being the only true and irrefragable tribunal in her case. And upon his replying that he had not sent for her, and that his brother, the prince of Wales, had first taken her to wife and consummated marriage, I remarked that if he himself had not sent for her he had after his brother's demise kept her by him, and prevented her from going away at the request of her father, the Catholic king of Spain, through his ambassador at this court, Hernand Duque de Estrada, as I could prove by his letters. These, however, the King refused to peruse, and again repeated: "She must have patience and obey the laws of this kingdom." Then he added that Your Majesty in return for so many services and favours had done him the greatest possible injury by hindering his new marriage, and preventing his having male succession. That the Queen was no more his wife than she was mine, and that he would act in this business just as he pleased, in spite of all opposition and grumbling, and that if Your Majesty capriciously attempted to cause him annoyance he would try to defend himself with the help of his friends.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 15th April 1533. 1061. Eustace Chapuys (age 43) to the Emperor (age 33).

Lastly, upon my urging upon him that his marriage had been pre-arranged by the King, his father [Henry VII.], and by the Catholic king of Spain [Ferdinand], both of whom were the wisest of their age, and would have never consented to it had there been the least shade of scruple respecting Prince Arthur - which after all was the principal ground of complaint - he again insisted on his determination to act as he pleased in the matter without attending to considerations of any sort whatever, adding that you yourself had shewn him the way to disobey the Pope's injunctions by your appealing four years ago to a future Council. Upon which I told him that he himself could not do better than follow your example and appeal to that very Council, and since he alleged that he was ready to imitate you in this respect, I must warn him that no prince in the world had more respect than you had for His Holiness, or deeper fear of his excommunications, for upon one occasion you had been one whole Holy Week without attending Divine service.

These last words of mine had great effect upon the King (age 41), who no doubt thought that I meant to reproach him for not having obeyed the Papal excommunication and interdict once fulminated against him; he, therefore, was a little hurt and said to me in rather an angry tone of voice: "If you go on like that you will make me lose my temper." I begged him to tell me how I could have offended him, warmly protesting that I had no such intention; then he lowered his voice a little and spoke less harshly, though, notwithstanding all my entreaties, he would never say how or in what I had offended him, and I must say that the rest of our conference passed without any visible signs of ill-humour on his part.

Thus encouraged I asked him whether in the event of Spaniards and Flemings, as good Christians, refusing for fear of the Papal interdict to hold communication, or carry on trade with his subjects, they would be amenable to the penalties described in the statute, and what sort of crime could be imputed to them. He remained for a while thoughtful and startled, not knowing what to answer, which being observed by me I preferred asking leave to retire to remaining where I was and waiting for his answer. I, therefore, said to him: "If such be the state of things I will not trouble Your Highness any more and lose my time; I will withdraw." He then said "adieu" to me in a gracious manner, but retained Hesdin, to whom he addressed the following words; "You have heard what the Emperor's ambassador has just said respecting the Papal excommunication and the stopping of trade between my subjects and the Spaniards and Flemings; but I can tell you that the ecclesiastical censures do not on this occasion fall upon me, but upon the Emperor himself who has so long opposed me, and prevented my new marriage, thus making me live in sin and against the prescriptions of Mother Church. The excommunication, moreover, is of such a nature that the Pope himself could not raise it without my consent; but, pray, do not mention this to the ambassador." This will give Your Majesty an idea of the King's blindness in these matters. Hesdin only replied that the affair was of too much importance for him to mix himself up with it.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533. 27th April 1533. Vienna Archives. 391. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

This feast of Easter the prior of the Augustines¹ in his sermon recommended the people expressly to pray for queen Anne (age 32); at which they were astonished and scandalized, and almost every one took his departure with great murmuring and ill looks, without waiting for the rest of the sermon. The King was greatly displeased, and sent word to the Mayor that on dread of his displeasure he should take order that nothing of the kind happened again, and that no one should be so bold as to murmur at his marriage. The Mayor hereupon assembled the trades and their officers of the several halls, and commanded them, on pain of the King's indignation, not to murmur at his marriage, and to prevent their apprentices from so doing, and, what is worse and more difficult, their wives. The King in vain forbids and makes prohibitions, as it only makes the people speak more against it in private, and these prohibitions only serve to envenom the heart of the people. Four days ago the King sent to the Queen to forbid her and her servants from using the title of Queen; and, not content with this harshness, he has forbidden the Princess either to write or send any message to the Queen; and though the Princess begged of him to depute an express messenger who might testify that she sent no message to the Queen except of how she did, or who might first show the King all the letters that passed between them, she could not obtain this. This prohibition was sent to her the same day that the King sent to her to inform her of his new marriage; at which she was a little sad, and then, like a wise woman as she is, she dissembled the matter, showing herself glad; and without saying a single word of the marriage, suddenly after she had dined, without communicating her intentions to any one, she sat down to write a letter to the King; and when those who brought the news were urgent for a verbal answer, according to their commission, she would not say a single word to them, referring them to her letter; at which I hear the King is well satisfied, and praises highly her prudence. Notwithstanding the execution of this project, the King resolved to go on with the process, and the Queen has been cited to appear before the archbishop of Canterbury on the first of next month, at an abbey 30 miles from here. This being a solitary place has been chosen for secrecy, as they fear that if the affair were managed here, the people would not refrain from speaking of it, and perhaps from rioting. The citation at first threw the Queen into great perplexity, not knowing what to do; but after I had given her my advice she did not care for it. There is no danger for the Queen in anything they can do, if she does not renounce her appeal, expressly or tacitly, and by some indirect means, which the King and his ministers are attempting by various methods. To remedy this I have drawn up certain protestations, whereby I hope that the Queen will not fall into the net of their calumnies and malice.

Note 1. George Browne, D.D.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533. 26th May 1533. Vienna Archives. 541. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

The day before yesterday I received your Majesty's letters of the 6th; since which time I hope your Majesty has received mine, showing how I have conducted myself hitherto in accordance with your instructions, especially in not embittering matters, or threatening anything like war or abatement of friendship. As often as the King or his Council have asked me whether your Majesty would make war for this case, I have always prayed and protested that they should not speak to me of such a matter, for I thought that they would on no account give you cause, and was sure "que aussy envy vouldroit vostre Majeste movoir guerre contre vostre Majeste que contre le roy des Romains," (?) for several reasons; and since the King had put his cause to trial, there was no occasion to speak of war; but it was to be hoped that, even now that the King had taken a new wife, he would not on that account contravene the determination of the Holy See; and that if he had broken off the first marriage, bound with ties more firm than adamant, the last could be much more easily dissolved, which was tied with bands of leeks (feulles de pourreaulx), as a king of France actually did who got divorced from a daughter of Denmark, and afterwards took her again. By such means I disentangled myself from their warlike enquiries, justifying always the necessity of your Majesty demanding the execution of justice in the case at Rome, and not less for the sake of the King and all the realm than for that of the Queen. As to your command to advise the Queen, notwithstanding her bad treatment, to remain here, she has long since resolved so to do, if only the King do not cause her to be taken out of the realm by force; which he would not dare to do. Your Majesty, therefore, may be at ease on that subject; for, besides the wise reasons contained in your letters, the Queen thinks that by going away from here she will do some injury to her own cause, and that she would sin greatly in removing from the obedience of the King, whom she will always hold as her husband, and obey, however ill he treats her. Notwithstanding his conduct, the Queen shows him as much affection as ever, without having as yet used a single angry or quarrelsome word; from which I am sure she will refrain, knowing your Majesty's wish.

The King, seeing that, notwithstanding the orders against it, people will speak of (against?) this marriage, has made a proclamation that those who inform against persons so speaking shall have a certain sum of money; and, further, for fear of creating greater sedition, both religious men and others have been forbidden to preach without licence of the bishop of London, who, as one of the principal promoters of this divorce, allows whom he pleases to speak. Your Majesty will thus see the difficulty this King has in restraining his people. The treasurer of the King and of this Anne has an honest man, who reported to me that the King was very angry that some English merchants had withdrawn their goods from Flanders, which was a token of war, and would create suspicion. A gentleman arrived six days ago from the king of France only to hasten the departure of the duke of Norfolk, who, on his arrival, set his train in motion, and has this morning dislodged. I think the Duke was to come to this city to talk with him, and bid him farewell, but he has been so much pressed and hindered that scarcely anybody could speak to him. For this reason, and not to exhibit too great a curiosity about his mission, or any fear, I refrained from visiting him, but sent a servant; to whom, notwithstanding that he was on the point of departure, and very busy, he held a long discourse, with a thousand courtesies and offers; which to impress the better in his memory, he recalled the man twice, and repeated to him, and further bade him tell me that he was going to Nice to meet the Pope and the king of France, where some good thing would be treated, insinuating thereby that your Majesty would be persuaded to confirm this new marriage, and dissemble about it, and that the union between your Majesty and the King will continue. If the English intend to promote this last result, they will do well, in my opinion, not to discover it either to the Pope or the king of France; who, if they thought such a union would ensue by the ratification or dissimulation of this marriage, would not use any great persuasions to your Majesty. The Pope, as I hear, pretends that the meeting is to treat of an enterprise against the Turk, the convocation of a Council, and the extirpation of Lutheranism. God grant that he has no further aim! The Nuncio here told me, two months ago, several times, that he had seen letters of merchants, stating that there were proposals to marry the Pope's niece to the duke of Orleans, and let him have the duchy of Milan, giving the Duke in compensation the duchy of Bourbon, and the sister of the sieur d'Albret for wife. I know not from what quarter he received those news, which seemed to him probable, though I thought them very incredible.

A truce with the Scots is spoken of, and it is hoped that peace will follow, to treat of which the bishop of Durham is to go to Scotland, but he is not yet ready. I have long since warned the queen of Hungary to keep her eye upon the negotiations of this peace (a leur pescherie de ladicte paix), and I have no doubt she will be vigilant. Even if it were concluded on the Pope's proceeding to sentence and further measures, without which your Majesty cannot well attempt anything, the king of Scots might, without breach of faith, be the true instrument to redress matters here. And if your Majesty do not desire, for fear of kindling a greater fire in Christendom, to undertake this enterprise openly, the said King might be aided by money from the Pope, whom the matter touches, and also from your Majesty; and you, by virtue of the Pope's commands, might forbid intercourse; and no doubt the Irish, who profess to be subjects of the Holy See, would do in such a case all they could. No doubt it would be better if all this could be avoided, but there is no hope of a remedy by gentleness; and even this people, who would suffer much if matters came to extremity, desire nothing better than that your Majesty should send an army hither. Your Majesty will doubtless judge of this by your immense prudence.

Nothing else has occurred since my last letters worth writing. London, 26 May 1533.

Fr., hol., pp. 6. From a modern copy.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533. 29th May 1533. Vienna Archives. 556. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

The duke of Norfolk (age 60), who was to have left on the 26th, the date of my last letters, has, by the King's command, remained two days longer; and this, I think, partly to negotiate with me on matters I shall report hereafter. The day before yesterday he sent to me, early in the morning, an honest man to desire that I would immediately send my most confidential servant to communicate with him on some matters; and considering that on every account my own going would be better than sending any of my servants, I repaired to him immediately, but in disguise and secretly, for the consideration which, as I wrote, prevented me from going to bid him adieu.

After thanking me for the trouble I had taken in coming to him, he said he was going to this meeting of two as great princes as there were in Christendom, where, if it had pleased God that your Majesty had been present, he was sure it would not have been your fault if a most perfect peace and amity were not concluded; of which matter he said your Majesty held the keys, and everything depended upon it, and that since there was no hope of your being personally present, the greatest good that could come would be by your sending ministers well inclined to union. And, either for a joke, or as an acknowledgment of my trouble, or, as the phrase goes, to offer a candle to the enemy, he was pleased to say that he would like much that I were one of the said ministers; wishing also, but with better cause, that the Nuncio here were with his Holiness. To this I replied that it never was owing to your Majesty, nor would be, that Christendom was not perfectly united, declaring the intolerable labors and expenses you had sustained for that end, and that your Majesty desired nothing more than to increase the amity with the King his master, as all the world could easily see. And as it appeared that the union of which he spoke depended on the matter of this cursed marriage, he must not say that your Majesty held the key, but if the King his master would allow it to be determined by an impartial tribunal like the Pope [that would be sufficient]. For this cause he ought to desire that his master should be present at the interview in order that they might urge him to act in this manner, which was all that your Majesty demanded, and which could not be refused to the least person in the world. As to the ministers of your Majesty with his Holiness and the most Christian King, after I had declared their sufficiency, he was satisfied; praying me, nevertheless, that I would write to them by all means to show themselves tractable and do their duty at the said meeting. He added, that he wished your Majesty would send again plenty of ambassadors thither, of whom some should be men of authority, as his master was sending thither many persons, and not among the least persons of the kingdom, and it would be necessary that some one should be there who knew the importance of the common interests of your Majesty's countries and this kingdom. The end of his talk was, that no one was more fit than De Praet, whose appointment he begged me to solicit; and on my saying I did not think you would send more ambassadors without being desired by the Pope, and that I was astonished he had been so long in giving me notice, he answered as to the first that he fully believed that your Majesty had been long ago apprised by the Pope, who would not have dared to treat of this without your consent; and as to not having informed me sooner, it was because the French king had requested his master to keep it as secret as possible, and to disclose it to no one but him and one other. This was about three months ago; since which time the French king had renewed his request several times, that an ambassador should be nominated to go to the said meeting, which charge he desired to perform even at the loss of one of his fingers. He told me afterwards that the King his master had taken in very good part the warnings I had given to Cromwell to avoid occasions of irritating your Majesty; that he had been very much grieved that the arms of the Queen had been not only taken from her barge, but also rather shamefully mutilated; and that he had rather roughly rebuked the Lady's chamberlain, not only for having taken away the said arms, but for having seized the barge, which belonged only to the Queen, especially as there are in the river many others quite as suitable. I praised the King's goodwill touching the arms, and for the rest I said there was no need of excuse, for what belonged to the Queen was the King's still more; adding that I was now encouraged to hope that the King would see to the honorable treatment of the Queen and Princess; for, as I said to Cromwell, the pretence of a scruple of conscience could not extend to their treatment; and if they were ill-used, besides the displeasure of God, he would incur blame from all the world, and greatly irritate your Majesty. On this he spoke as highly of both of them as could be, and said he was very sure your Majesty loved the Princess naturally, but that he thought he loved her more. He mentioned, among other virtues of the Queen, the great modesty and patience she had shown, not only during these troubles, but also before them, the King being continually inclined to amours. And as to the said treatment, he was sure the King would not diminish her dower, of about 24,000 ducats, assigned to her in the time of prince Arthur, if she would content herself with the state a widow princess ought to keep. To this I said I thought the King so wise and humane that, in consideration of the virtue of the Queen, the long and good service she had done him, and also of her kindred, he would not diminish anything of what she had had till then, and I begged him to use his influence to that effect. He swore by his faith "quil avoit bachier (?) plus de 10,000 escuz" that I had spoken to him on this subject; for unless I had opened this door to him, he would not have dared to moot the question for all the gold in the world, but after our communications he would urge the affair to the end, and do his very best, in accordance with my suggestions to Cromwell. He said the King had also taken very well my suggestion that he should write a letter to your Majesty in defence of what he has done in this matter. I protested to him, as I had done to Cromwell, that what I had said was not as ambassador, but as one devoted to the service of the King, and anxious for peace; and as to the said letter, if it did not produce all the effect that the King desired, I hoped he would not reproach me for having solicited it, as it pleased him once to tell me touching the mission of the earl of Wiltshire. Norfolk said there was no fear of this, and begged that I would communicate (fere tenir) the said letter to his Majesty's ambassador, which would be in a packet which he would send me for the said ambassador. This I promised. Nevertheless, I have not yet received the packet.

On this, not wishing to wait dinner, though he desired me, I returned with the intention of sending to him later a servant of mine, which I did. By him and also by Brian Tuke he sent to me to say that he had determined to come to me tomorrow early at my lodging; but as his departure was to be so abrupt, the King would not let him move a step further from him in order to discuss the affairs of his charge, and therefore he begged me very urgently that I would go there, and that he hoped that we should do or at least begin some good work. Next morning I went secretly to see him in his chamber, when he replied to me, as to writing for the despatch of the persons above mentioned, that if your Majesty desired the peace and union to be accomplished, there was no excuse from the shortness of time, for you could receive my letters in 15 days; and as the meeting was not to begin till about the 5th July people could leave Barcelona in time for it, and be there quite as soon as he. He therefore begged me diligently to write, although I put before him the reasons already alleged, and also to see that the King's packet for his ambassador should go along with mine. As to the treatment of the Queen (age 47), he said that the King by their laws was no longer bound to the Queen with respect to the dower she had by Prince Arthur; and moreover that by virtue of the Act passed in this last Parliament, as the Queen would not obey it, the King might use rigour and diminish even the dower she has. Nevertheless, for the reasons which I had mentioned on the previous day and for others, the King would treat her honorably, not indeed so liberally as when she was Queen, unless she would submit to the sentence of divorce which the archbishop of Canterbury [had given]; and he thought I had so much influence with her that I might induce her to do so, by which I should acquire inestimable glory, and be the cause of as great a benefit as could be done not only to this kingdom but to Christendom, which remained disunited simply on this account; also that this way would be more effectual than any other, for if your Majesty would enter into war on this account, it would be the greatest calamity to Christendom. Moreover that it was impossible to fly into this kingdom (que lon ne peult vouler dans ce royaulme), and that, being there, they would find people to talk to, and very difficult to subdue or even to injure; and as to making war upon them by the sea, they, having the aid of France, of which they were as much assured as of their own people, would fear no power whatever. Further he ventured to affirm that if you attempted to make war upon this kingdom you would not be without anxiety to guard your own countries from their friends and allies, who were neither few nor unimportant. For, besides the king of France, who was most constant to them, they had the king of Scotland entirely at their command; who, since the one year's truce made with the King, was anxious for nothing but the conclusion of a peace; and he dared affirm that the Scotch king would come here before 10 months, when a marriage would be concluded between him and the daughter of the king of France. Moreover, they had the friendship of a great part of Germany, and Italy was not so well affected to your Majesty as you might think. He doubted not that the Spaniards, for their courage, and the sake of their reputation, and for the glory of previous victories, would stimulate your Majesty to war; but he trusted your Majesty was too prudent and regardful of ancient friendship and good offices done to you and your predecessors to lend an ear to such advisers, especially considering the arrogance of the Spaniards, who for want of payment have lately mutinied against you.

I answered as to this last, that I knew nothing of it, and, if true, it was not of much importance, for it had happened to many valiant commanders. As to the rest, although there were sufficiently apparent reasons by which to answer him, and also about the injustice done to the Queen, yet as I had come to hear something else, and in order to let him understand that I did not make very much of the terrors which he wished to raise up, I said as little as possible, merely remarking by way of joke that your Majesty was much bound to those who had greater consideration for your injuries than for their own, and that all the world knew your Majesty would not make war, even against those from whom you had received no favor, without being compelled by a very just quarrel; and that in such a case, with the help of God, in whom you placed your trust, you could manage your own affairs; and, moreover, there was no prince in the world who, in my opinion, had better means of obtaining friendships. With this reply I should have left him in a sweat without going further, but I begged him that we might not speak as if war would take place, but rather how to avoid occasion of it; which would never be given on the part of your Majesty. As to what he said of the justice of the Queen, since argument was to no purpose, I made no reply to him; but as to the first point, if he wished me to induce the Queen to submit to the sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury, I denied that I had any influence over her; and, to speak frankly, if I had I would not use it to that effect for all the gold in the world, unless your Majesty should command me; and though I was sure you would never consent to anything except what justice would ordain, yet, to gratify the King, I would write to you about all this, and if perhaps I received your commandment to enter upon such a course, which I did not expect, I would show the King the desire I had to do him service, and help in the preservation of amity. On this the Duke swore by the faith he owed to God that I spoke like an honest man, and that he could not press me further, but begged me to do in this and all else the best I could. Your Majesty will see to what they are reduced when they address themselves to me, when they know very well, as the King once told me, and as I have written to your Majesty, that I have always been and am most devoted to the right of the Queen; so that it must be said either that they are in very great fear, or think me mad, or are themselves altogether blind. And in order to play the part of a corsair among corsairs (pour jouer avec eulx de courssaire a courssaires), I have a little dissembled with the Duke about the treatment of the said ladies, in accordance with your Majesty's commands, awaiting your determination for the remedy of this matter. I have written the said conversations of the Duke in plain writing, because he uttered them in order that I might inform your Majesty; and if, perhaps, he spoke them of himself without command of the King or his Council, I might have given greater faith to what he said to me of their friendships and intelligences, because by nature he is no great dissembler or inventer. And not to speak of the rest, as to the Scots, whatever confidence they have here to have the said Scots at their command, I know for certain that since the date the truce is said to have been concluded, the said Scots have taken several ships at different times, the last being not ten days ago, when they took seven very rich vessels. The Duke, as to what I had said, that the presence of his master would be very desirable at the said meeting, answered that it would be of no use; for if the Pope, the king of France, and all the world were to attempt it, they could not persuade the King to take back the Queen,—such was the scruple of his conscience, joined to the despair of having issue by her; and that it was in vain for the Pope to give sentence, for they will make no account of it or of his censures. No doubt it would give them some trouble, but for that they cared not; and if, perhaps, by reason of the said censures, Spain and Flanders would cease intercourse with the English, the others would share in the injury, and they would send part of their merchandize to Flanders and the rest to Calais, where your subjects to their great inconvenience would be compelled to get their wools, which were indispensable to them, as he said. To this I made no reply, but smiled. After this he began to excuse himself that he had not been a promoter of this marriage, but had always dissuaded it; and had it not been for him and her father, who pretended to be mad to have better means of opposing this marriage, it would have been done secretly a year ago; on which account the Lady was very indignant against both of them. In confirmation of this, I have learned from a very good authority, and from one who was present, that eight days since, the Lady having put in a piece to enlarge her gown, as ladies do when in the family way, her father told her she ought to take it away, and thank God to find herself in such condition; and she, in presence of Norfolk, Suffolk, and the treasurer of the household, replied by way of announcement, that she was in better condition than he would have desired. On departure, the Duke made me many gracious offers of his person and goods, recommending the sending of the said packet, and great care in writing to send personages to the said meeting, and above all to make his recommendations to your Majesty, to whom, after the King his master, he desires most to do service. This he said several times in the presence of the whole Council. I have not been with them since.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1533. 3 Sept [1533]. Vienna Archives. 1069. Chapuys (age 43) to Charles V.

Six days ago I received your letters of 18 July, with those addressed to the Queen, which I immediately sent to her, informing her of the rest of the news, as commanded. She has written to me that she has received more joy and consolation from the said letters than from the news brought to her at the same instant of the sentence given at Rome in her favor. And not without cause ought she to prefer the continuance of your Majesty's good will to the news of the sentence, for your support may help her; but without it, considering the obstinacy of those concerned, the sentence will do little good; in contempt of which (en dessaie en relipende, qu. defiance ou vilipende?) the King has lately taken into his hands the revenues of the bishoprics of cardinal Campeggio and of the auditor of the Chamber,which shows very little inclination to obey the sentence; though some think this a much better sign, because he is so desperate and makes such brags, that after his anger is over he will put water in his wine, and return to the right road, provided that the Pope is resolute, whom he is trying by these grimaces to intimidate. Of this I think the Queen will inform you by the first messenger, if the spies round about give her an opportunity (luy donnant les espiez quella au tourd relaiz de pouvoer escripre), which she has not been able to do yet; and she has begged me to excuse her to your Majesty, and request you on her part if you will be so gracious as to send persons to persuade the King to obey the sentence, to instruct them to remonstrate with him, and, if necessary, with the Parliament, against making any change in the goods she has hitherto had assigned for her support and dower (arrez matrimoniales), of which it is reported they mean to deprive her in the coming Parliament, which will begin about the end of October. At this she is more afflicted than with anything else that has hitherto occurred; for she always thought that so long as she kept this, which is the usual portion of queens, that she was not entirely dispossessed of her estate and dignity; and, moreover, it will deprive some of her domestic servants of the remuneration she had given them out of the said goods. Thinks it superfluous to write about sending men to make these persuasions, but as the Queen has written to him twice about it, could not omit to mention it. Till now no change has been made in her treatment, whatever threats have been used. I am endeavouring to obtain the treaties and documents about the said consignation de biens, which being obtained I will do my best to prevent the said injury.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 21st November 1535. Wien. Rep. P.C., Fasc. 229½, i. 137. Eustace Chapuys (age 45) to the Emperor (age 35).

Ever since I last wrote to Your Majesty, stating that Master Cromwell had spoken to me about this King's proposal of sending to Your Majesty a notable embassy, and had besides asked my advice about it, there has been no sign or indication whatever of the plan being carried into execution, from which I conclude, and, indeed, Your Majesty cannot fail to perceive, that the intention of these people is only to lull us with words and hopes, and thus gain time for their own political purposes and plans.

On Friday, the 12th inst., there was, by the King's command, the most solemn procession that ever took place in this kingdom, at least in the memory of man. It was composed of three bishops and four mitred abbots, dressed in pontifical robes, besides innumerable friars, priests, and other ecclesiastics most richly accoutred. As to people of all classes attending it, their number was incalculable, and in addition to that there were several bands of musicians playing on all manner of harmonious instruments. The very precious and most Holy Sacrament of the Altar was taken by the bishop of London through the streets of this capital, almost the whole length of it; all this being intended as a thanksgiving and praise to God for king Francis' convalescence. Many thought that the French ambassador himself and some of the lords of this court should have attended the ceremony; but there was nothing of the sort, and, I hear that, even before the procession was ordered and after, this King has shown disgust enough at king Francis' late doings; though upon the whole he has perhaps gladly seized the opportunity of gratifying the French nation on that score with so edifying and charitable a work, and at the same time making his subjects believe in the existence of a great friendship and brotherhood between the king of France and himself,—a belief which, under the circumstances, it is necessary for him to inculcate if he is to raise, without scruple or difficulty, the heavy taxes he has imposed on his people. The better to accomplish this end, and at the same time disseminate their perverse and damnable errors, a rumour has been secretly, though adroitly, circulated that the object of the procession is to praise and thank God for his Divine goodness in inspiring king Francis to follow the right path, and make him the chief of the Gallican Church.

The same personage who, as I had occasion to write on the 6th inst., sent me a message to the effect that the King had decided to rid himself of the Queen and Princess at this next session of Parliament, came yesterday to town in disguise, and called at this embassy for the purpose not only of confirming his former statement, but also to beg and entreat me, with the greatest possible speed, to write to Your Majesty, applying for a prompt and efficacious remedy to these many evils, adding that as the King noticed that some of those to whom he had resolutely told his determination respecting the Queen and Princess, shed tears, he began to say that the case was not one for crying and grimacing, for, though he should lose his crown through it, he would insist upon the said measures being carried at once into effect. The above is too strange and execrable a report for me to attach implicit faith to it, and yet, considering what has passed and is daily passing in this country, the persistence of the threats, and above all the wickedness of the concubine,—who for some time past has been attempting their lives,—I am afraid there must be some truth in it. For certainly the lady in question has for some time back thought of nothing short of putting the Queen and Princess to death. It is she who now rules over, and governs the nation; the King dares not contradict her. In short, the danger is imminent, and I very much doubt whether the King is not—as I have already written to Your Majesty—attempting to make the members of this Parliament take part in his mischievous designs, that they may thereby lose all call upon Your Majesty's clemency and commiseration, and thus be readier and more determined to defend themselves in the event of an invasion.

Tomorrow Master Briant will start post haste to visit king Francis in the name of this King; but I firmly believe that under the plea of a courteous visit, the ambassador has charge also to solicit the release of several English merchant vessels detained at Bourdeaux in virtue of certain ordinances promulgated about one year and a half ago, the copy of which I then forwarded to Your Majesty, and which not only concern the English, but also all other nations trading with France.

Out of the 12 English ships captured in Denmark by the king of Sweden, eight have been allowed to return here without any serious injury to their hulks or loss to their cargoes, except that the said King has thought proper to keep in, by way of a loan, some of their artillery and ammunition, as well as other necessary apparel. The rest of the ships being larger, strongly built, and more useful for warlike purposes, have been retained, not so much to make use of them in warfare, as to prevent the Lubeckers from employing them for hostile purposes. The merchandise that was on board of the Dantzig ships is still here under embargo. Some of the owners have told me that they were not in a hurry to apply for the release of the sequestered goods, inasmuch as they were quite sure of being by-and-by compensated in full, and obtaining perhaps the double of their capital and interest on it—London, 21 November, 1535.

Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."

Addressed: "To the Emperor."

French. Original, entirely ciphered. pp. 4.

Letters and Papers. 21st January 1536. Vienna Archives. 141. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Now the King and Concubine (age 35) are planning in several ways to entangle the Princess in their webs, and compel her to consent to their damnable statutes and detestable opinions; and Cromwell was not ashamed, in talking with one of my men, to tell him you had no reason to profess so great grief for the death of the Queen, which he considered very convenient and advantageous for the preservation of friendship between your Majesty and his master; that henceforth we should communicate more freely together, and that nothing remained but to get the Princess to obey the will of the King, her father, in which he was assured I could aid more effectually than anybody else, and that by so doing I should not only gratify the King but do a very good office for the Princess, who on complying with the King's will would be better treated than ever. The Concubine, according to what the Princess sent to tell me, threw the first bait to her, and caused her to be told by her aunt, the gouvernante (age 60) of the said Princess, that if she would lay aside her obstinacy and obey her father, she would be the best friend to her in the world and be like another mother, and would obtain for her anything she could ask, and that if she wished to come to Court she would be exempted from holding the tail of her gown, "et si la meneroit tousjours a son cause" (?); and the said gouvernante does not cease with hot tears to implore the said Princess to consider these matters; to which the Princess has made no other reply than that there was no daughter in the world who would be more obedient to her father in what she could do saving her honor and conscience.From what the Princess has sent to tell me, it seems probable that the King will shortly send to her a number of his councillors to summon her to give the oath. She requested me to notify to her what to reply, and I wrote that I thought she had best show as good courage and constancy as ever with requisite modesty and dignity (honesteté), for if they began to find her at all shaken they would pursue her to the end without ever leaving her in peace; and that I thought they would not insist very much on her renouncing her right openly, nor abjuring the authority of the Pope directly, but that they might press her to swear to the Concubine as Queen, alleging that as the Queen was dead there could be no excuse for opposition. I wrote to her to use every effort to avoid any discussion with the King's deputies, beseeching them to leave her in peace that she might pray to God for the soul of the Queen, her mother, and also for His aid, and declaring that she was a poor and simple orphan without experience, aid, or counsel, that she did not understand laws or canons, and did not know how then to answer them; that she should also beseech them to intercede with the King, her father, to have pity on her weakness and ignorance; and, if she thought it necessary to say more, she might add that as it is not the custom to swear [fealty] here to Queens, and such a thing had not been done when her mother was held as Queen, she cannot but suspect that it would be directly or indirectly to her prejudice; also that if she (Anne Boleyn) was Queen, her swearing or refusing to swear did not matter, and likewise if she is not; and that she remembers well one thing,—that in the Consistorial sentence by which the first marriage had been declared valid, this second marriage was annulled, and it was declared that this lady could not claim the title of Queen, for which reason she thought in conscience that she could not go against the Pope's command, and that by so doing she-would prejudice her own right. I also suggested to the Princess that she might tell her gouvernante it was but waste of time to press such matters upon her, because she would lose her life ten times before consenting to it without being better informed and her scruple of conscience removed by other persons than those of this realm whom she held "suspects," and that, if the King, her father, would give her time till she came "en eaige de perfection," from which she was perhaps not far removed, God would inspire her to devote herself entirely to him and enter religion, in which case she considers her honor and conscience might be preserved; or she might be meanwhile otherwise informed;—that this delay could be no disadvantage to the King, her father, but rather the contrary, for if she came to consent to matters the act at such an age would be of more validity. This I wrote to her, not as a positive instruction, but only as matter for consideration. I will think more at large of other means for putting the matter off in case of extremity, but if they have determined to poison her (luy donner a manger), neither taking the Sacrament nor any other security that can be invented will be of much avail.

Letters and Papers. 21st January 1536. Vienna Archives. 141. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

My man has sent me from Flanders, where the Queen has kept him some days, your Majesty's letters of the 13th ult., to which I must delay replying till his return. I thank you for writing that I shall not be forgotten when the time of distribution of benefices arrives. Must not omit to say that the enterprise mentioned in the said letters is becoming more difficult every day, especially since the death of the Queen (deceased), as they have kept more company than before ("lon a tenu plus de court et en plus de regard que par avant"). I have also received your Majesty's letters of the 29th, with your most prudent discourse touching the perplexity of the affairs of the late good Queen and of the Princess (age 19), the substance of which considerations, though not so well put, has been already at times communicated to the said ladies. Moreover, I added another point, viz., that what was chiefly to be feared, if they were compelled to swear all that the King wished (besides the bad effect mentioned in your Majesty's letters, that so many would lose heart and join the new heresy), the danger would be, not that the King would proceed by law to punish daily disobedience, but that, under color of perfect reconciliation, if he were to treat them well,—I don't suppose the King but the Concubine (age 35) (who has often sworn the death of both, and who will never be at rest till she has gained her end, suspecting that owing to the King's fickleness there is no stability in her position as long as either of the said ladies lives), will have even better means than before of executing her accursed purpose by administering poison, because they would be less on their guard; and, moreover, she might do it without suspicion, for it would be supposed when the said ladies had agreed to everything that the King wished and were reconciled and favorably treated after they had renounced their rights, there could be no fear of their doing any mischief, and thus no suspicion would arise of their having received foul play.

The King and Concubine, impatient of longer delay, especially as they saw that proceedings were taken at Rome in good earnest, and that when your Majesty goes thither the provisions will be enforced, determined to make an end of the Queen's process, as you will see by what follows. It must have been very convenient for them that she died before the Princess, for several reasons, and, among others, because it was at her instance that proceedings were taken at Rome, and because they had less hope of being able to bring her over to their opinions, reckoning more upon her constancy by reason of age than on that of her daughter, especially because, not being naturally subject to their laws, they could not constrain her by justice as they could her daughter. Further, I think the cupidity which governs them has led them more to anticipate the death of the mother, as they will not be obliged to restore the dowry.

Letters and Papers. 21st January 1536. Vienna Archives. 141. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

It was reported here that the King, intending to go or send some good personage to console her, had ordered the death of her mother to be kept secret from the Princess; but it was no use; her gouvernante (age 60) told her the news four days after the Queen's death, before which time I had already written a consolatory letter for her, and had sent it to one of her ladies to present to her, which letter gave her great cousolation. Soon afterwards she wrote me in reply a very good letter, well written and well worded, in which, besides infinite thanks for all the good I had done her, she begged me to intimate to the King, her father, that if he took her away from the company in which she was she thought it would be fatal to her, and that following my counsel she would endeavour to show such constancy as I wrote to her, but in any case she would prepare herself to die. On the evening of the same day she begged her gouvernante to write to the King to have the physician and apothecary of the Queen, rather, as I think to hear particulars of her mother's illness and death than for any need she had of their services; and, on the King replying that any illness she might suffer must be from worry (facherie), and that she had no need of a physician, she wrote me another letter, begging me, among other things, to press for the said physician and apothecary, which I did, as your Majesty will have seen above. I sent the day before yesterday to the Princess the letters your Majesty wrote to the Queen, her mother, and also that the Queen Regent in Flanders wrote to her, from which she received inestimable comfort, as she wrote me by a letter of hers, which I received half an hour ago. She has written to me since she heard the death of the Queen more frequently than she did before, and this, I think, to testify the good heart and constancy to which I continually exhort her, in which certainly she shows great sense and incomparable virtue and patience to bear so becomingly the death of such a mother to whom she bore as much love as any daughter ever did to her mother, who was her chief refuge in her troubles.

Letters and Papers. 21st January 1536. Vienna Archives. 141. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

One of the two[Scotch] ambassadors who passed this way about two months ago, returning from France, visited me on repassing the other day, and among other things told me of himself that the French had avoided informing the King, his master, of the death of the duke of Milan, well knowing that the practices for the marriage of the King, his master, were being interrupted, and without that they did not yet know how they stood as regards the French marriage; and that they had been trying hard of late to find out if the King would consent to give the Princess to the King, his master, but they find no likelihood of it. The said ambassador told me they had shown this King a brief, written by the Pope to the King, their master, expressing his desire to deprive Henry of his kingdom, and that if it appeared to him that the said King, their master, was able to treat for a reconciliation between the Pope and him, he would employ himself therein with very good will. To this the King replied that there was no occasion for the king of Scots or any other to trouble himself, for the Queen being dead, at whose request the whole had been done, he imagined there would be no further question, for he supposed his Holiness would attempt nothing in vindication of his primacy over the Church, considering the questions that had arisen about it at all times, and that, besides the Greeks having always held the King's opinion, the greater part of Germany, and other northern Princes, agreed with him also. He told me also that the ambassadors sent by this King a few months ago to Scotland were only to persuade the king of Scots to withdraw his obedience from the Apostolic See; but they have lost their labor, for they got nothing but ridicule. The first time they spoke to the King they asked for a secret audience, "et ny outrement que le secretaire," and as soon as the said ambassadors entered on the subject of their heresies, there arose the most horrible thunder that had been heard for a long time. Then the King began to make the sign of the Cross, not so much for the horror of the thunder, as he said, as of what the same ambassadors suggested. This King is sending new ambassadors to Scotland upon the same business, as the said ambassador has given me to understand, to whom I did not speak at great length except to assure him of your goodwill to his master, telling him, moreover, that they were good and wise, and that, seeing the state of matters here and elsewhere, they might very well secure their interests both for the present and for the future.

He who is called baillie of Amboise, of whom I have several times written to your Majesty, left here a few days ago, and having passed Boulogne, he was taken and detained at the request of the French ambassador here resident. To-day a French gentleman has arrived from Germany who belongs to M. de Langey. When I can learn his charge I will inform you. London, 21 Jan. 1535. French. From a modern copy, pp. 14.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 21st January 1536. Wien, Rep. P.C., Fasc. 236, No. 3. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 35).

Now that the good Queen is dead, they are trying in various ways to catch the Princess in, their net, and make her subscribe to their damnable statutes and detestable opinions; so much so that the other day Cromwell, in conversation with one of my men, was not ashamed to say that there was no reason to mourn so much at the death of the Queen, which after all must be considered as most advantageous for the preservation of the friendship between Your Majesty and the King, his master, since in future he and I might communicate and talk more frankly on the subject; that it only remained for us now to induce the Princess to accede to the King's will and wishes; which end he (Cromwell) was sure that I could, if I chose, promote move efficiently than any other living man; and that it was necessary that I should do my best for the accomplishment of that object, as, besides the pleasure I might give the King by doing so, the Princess herself would be greatly benefited through it, since by submitting to the King's will she would be much better treated than ever she had been.

A, bait of this sort has already been thrown out, for, according to a message received from the Princess, the concubine (age 35) has lately sent her word through her own aunt (age 60), under whose keeping she still is, as I have informed Your Majesty, that should she consent to wave her obstinacy, and be obedient, like a dutiful daughter, to her father's commands, she (the concubine) would at once become her warmest friend, and a second mother to her, and that, if she wished to go to Court, she should be exempted from being her train-bearer, and might walk by her side. And I aim also told that the governess is continually begging and entreating her in the warmest possible terms to reconsider these offers. Nevertheless, the Princess' answer has always been that no daughter in the world would be move obedient to her father's wishes and commands than she herself is prepared to be, provided her honour and conscience are safeguarded.

According to another message received from the Princess, the King says that he will shortly send to her certain of his Privy Councillors for the purpose of summoning her to swear to the statutes; and she asks me how she is to answer the summons in case of its being made, which is most likely. My answer in writing has been that, in my opinion, she ought to show greater firmness and determination now than ever, more courage and persistence, coupled with the requisite modesty; for if these people once believe her to be the least shaken in her purpose, they are sure to go on persecuting her to the end without leaving her a moment's peace. I fancied (said I to her) that they would not now insist upon her renouncing openly her rights, nor directly disowning the Popes authority in Church matters; they, most likely, would press her to swear to the concubine as Queen, alleging that her own mother being dead, there could be no excuse now for opposition on that head. I have, therefore, written to her to avoid as much as possible entering into conversation or dispute with the Kings deputies, if they should go to her, to request them to leave her in peace, praying God for the soul of her deceased mother, as well as imploring His help in her present situation, she being a poor orphan without experience, aid, or counsel. She was to tell the deputies that she herself knew nothing of civil or canon law, and was unable to answer and meet their arguments, and therefore begged and entreated them to intercede with the King, her father, to have pity on her ignorance or incapacity. If, moreover, she chose to go on with, her excuses, she might add that, considering it was not the custom here, in England, to impose oaths upon queens—that ceremony not having taken place when her mother was married to the King, her father—she could not help thinking that the whole of this had been planned to do her injury. That were she to become in future a queen, her present renunciation of her rights would he invalid; she would inherit the Crown all the same. One thing she recollected, which was that in the consistorial sentence respecting her father s marriage, it was fully stated that whilst his first marriage was declared good, valid, and legitimate, his second was pronounced null and void, it being expressly stated, that lady Anne could never assume the title of queen. Lastly, it seemed to her as if she could not conscientiously contravene the Pope's commands, for were she to do so, and derogate from other articles in the sentence, she would evidently impair her own rights.

I have likewise written to the Princess that, if she thought it advisable, she might say to her governess that it was time lost to press such affairs on her at the present juncture, for she would rather lose ten lives, if she had them, than submit and consent to what they wanted of her, without being better informed, thereupon. She might add, that in order to enlighten and instruct her on the subject, people abroad could be found—for those in England she thoroughly mistrusted—to impart the requisite information and doctrine on such delicate points; and that should the King, her father, grant her a respite until she was of age, which was not now far off, perhaps God would inspire her with the wish of entering into a religious house and devoting herself entirely to Him, in which case she thought her conscience would be completely safe-guarded. Should the King grant this respite, she might perhaps acquire more solid information on the subject than she now possesses. The delay asked for could in nowise prejudice the King's interests, but would, on the contrary, be beneficial to him, for were she now to accede and consent to what is wanted of her, the act, when she was of age, would still be more valid and efficient. This much I wrote to the Princess, not in a resolute manner and by way of advice, but merely for the sake of argument, to be used if convenient. I shall consider the matter over and over again, and look out for other means of parrying the impending blow, or at least averting it for some time. If, however, the King and his concubine have decided to make her swallow poison, neither the tender of the oath itself, nor any other thing we might think of, would be of any use.

I will think more broadly about other possible means to deal with the matter in case of extreme necessity; but if they have decided to give her [poison] to eat, not to give her the sacrament, nor anything else that could be invented here, it would serve very little.

"Je penserar plus largement dessus a autres moyens possibles pour differer la matiere en cas d'estremite; mais silz ont delibcre luy donner a manger [du poison] ne prester le sacrement, ne autre chose que lon sçaist (sçut?) inventer yçi, y serviroit bien peu."

At the Princess pressing request—for she has written to me twice in the warmest possible terms, and also sent several messages; the last of which came this morning—I have applied for leave to visit her. The King has sent me word by Cromwell that as soon as she is removed from her present abode, which will be shortly, the King will be glad to grant the permission applied for. I do not know, however, what to think of this, for the same promise was made some time ago, and when I myself went to the King about it I was told that I could not see her then, but might send weekly one of my own servants to her. This I have done two or three times running, having previously asked Cromwell's permission to that effect; but no later than yesterday my man returned from the Princess without having been able to speak to her, as her governess refused giving him admittance on the plea that, according to orders lately received from Court, no one was to see or speak to the Princess without express orders or some countersign or other from her father. It is true the said, governess said to my man that she would, for my sake, allow him to enter the house and see the Princess, provided he promised not to mention it to anyone, but that she could in nowise let him speak to her. I must observe that this courtesy on the part of the governess was due to a few small presents, which I have lately sent her from time to time by the Princess' advice, who, having from her oratory heard the conversation, and perceiving that there were no means of communicating with my man, said aloud, "You had better let the ambassadors man go; for on no account would I speak to him or to anyone whomsoever without my father's consent." Perhaps they do not want her to be spoken to until they have intimated to her the King's will, as above stated, and therefore I should consider it desirable for Your Majesty to send from your Court some great personage to make the necessary representations, and remonstrate about the treatment of the Princess, which, as she herself has sent to inform me this very morning, is getting worse than ever it was. That would be both a comfort and a consolation for her in the midst of her troubles, and would at the same time inspire these people with courage and hope whilst a remedy coming from these parts is prepared. But it would be most desirable for that purpose that Your Majesty's affairs should then be in such a prosperous condition as to enable the said personage—should Your Majesty determine to send him—to speak boldly, as otherwise all the business would be spoiled; for as the good Queen used frequently to say, by way of prediction, with these people, who are sheep when in face of the wolf, and lions towards those who treat them respectfully, the mildness and moderation occasionally used for the sake of Christendom at large will inevitably cause the ruin and loss of the Church. To this may be added that those who have shown no sorrow and regret at the mothers death will now take courage to finish with the daughter, since, without having recourse to poison, the rigorous treatment to which the Princess has been, and is still, daily subjected will be a sufficient cause for her death. Indeed, many courtiers assert, and have already spread the rumour, that the Princess' sorrow and regret at the loss of her mother, the good Queen, are likely to cause her own death. This is, no doubt, said for the purpose of avoiding suspicion; for certainly it must be said that the pitiful condition in which the Princess has been for some time past is considerably aggravated since her mothers death. There is every reason, as I say, and a good opportunity just now, for the said personage to come and protest against the ill-treatment of the Princess. The pity and affection I feel for the latter has perhaps carried me beyond the just limits of my charge. If so, I beg Your Majesty to forgive me, and excuse the expression of sentiments entirely caused by commiseration.

Since my despatch of the 9th instant no courier has left this capital by whom to write to Your Majesty. Immediately after the death of the good Queen I despatched one of my own men [to Kimbolton], in order to ascertain what had occurred after my departure from that place, to console the poor servants of the Queen's household in their affliction, and see what could be done for them, as well as with regard to the funeral, in case the Queen had made any dispositions in that respect. My man came back three days ago, and informed me that two days after my departure [from Kimbolton] the Queen seemed to improve considerably in health, and that in the afternoon of the Epiphany she herself without the help of any of her maids, combed and tied her hair. That next day, about midnight, she inquired what time it was, and whether it was already near dawn. This enquiry the Queen made several times, for no other purpose, as she herself afterwards declared, than to be able to hear mass and receive the Holy Sacrament: and although the bishop of Llandaff, her confessor, offered to say mass for her before four o'clock in the morning, she would not consent to it, alleging and citing several authoritative passages in Latin to prove that it could not be done. At dawn she heard mass, and took the Holy Sacrament with the greatest fervour and devotion that could be imagined; after which she went on repeating various prayers, begging those who were present to pray for the salvation of her soul, and that God would pardon and forgive the King, her husband, for the wrong he had done her, inspire him to follow the right path, and give him good counsel. After which the Queen received extreme unction, she herself replying distinctly to all the questions of the ritual in a clear audible voice.

Knowing that in England no woman surviving her husband can make a will, the Queen, for fear of infringing the law of the land, would not dispose of her property otherwise than by way of supplication and, request to the King. She accordingly begged her physician to draw out a paper with certain testamentary clause, which she ordered to be brought to me immediately after signing it with her own hand. In that paper, in which she gave directions for certain small sums of money to be distributed among the servants living with her at the time, the good Queen declared that she wished to be buried at a convent of Observant Friars of the Order of St. Francis, to which she bequeathed her robes and dresses to be used as Church ornaments. The furs she had, she reserved for the Princess, her daughter, to whom she likewise bequeathed a necklace with a cross, which she herself had brought from Spain. Such were the good Queens testamentary dispositions. With regard, to her burial and donation to the Observants, Cromwell said, to one of my men whom I sent to him for the purpose, that it was quite impossible, inasmuch as there was no convent of that order then existing in all England; but that any other bequest to the Princess, or to her own family servants would, be complied, with as completely and honourably as I could wish.

The day after I sent my man [to Greenwich] to inquire from Master Cromwell what the Kings wishes were on the whole, and beg that the late Queen's physician (Lasco) and apothecary (Soto) should be sent to the Princess' abode. And, although Cromwell promised to introduce my man to the King's presence, that he himself might convey my message and speak in my name, nothing was done about it, save that Cromwell sent for him and took him to a room of the Royal palace, where the ambassadors from Scotland, now returning to France, happened to be at the time, and there kept him long talking to him, all the time inquiring after my health, asking whether I took exercise in the mornings, and so forth; all this being done, as I imagine, to make the ambassadors there present, believe that mighty matters were then being discussed between us two, and that I had sent my man thither for the purpose. Cromwell at last answered, in a colder manner than the preceding day, as if he were answering in his master's name, that before granting my application with regard to the Queen's bequests the King wished to see those robes and furs of which I spoke, and that if the Princess wished to possess what her mother had bequeathed to her, she was first to show due obedience to her father, the King, adding that it was for me to persuade her to that course. With regard to the late Queen's physician there was no difficulty at all. If my man called at his (Cromwell's) own residence, he would furnish him with proper letters of introduction for the governess. When my man went next day to ask for the letters, he was put off till the day after, and then Cromwell told him that a gentleman, the same who had accompanied me to Kimbolton on my visit to the Queen, would call and explain his views on the subject. He also begged my man to try and induce me not to refuse or avoid giving audience to the gentleman in question.

The gentleman himself came, and began by telling me that it was true that Master Cromwell had promised my secretary to give introductory letters to the physician and apothecary of the late Queen, directing them in the King's name to repair at once to the Princess' quarters; but that since then, having pondered over the matter, and talked with the King about it, the latter had been of opinion that the said physician and apothecary, being both Spanish subjects, and not his own, might make less difficulties about obeying letters coming from me than from him (Cromwell), and that I had best write to them direct. Should they, however, make any difficulties, or should the case be more urgent than it really was—for he did not consider the Princess to be ill—he himself would write to them in a fit manner. With regard to the place of burial, the King, said Cromwell, has already spoken his mind; and as to the robes bequeathed to the Franciscan convent, it was an unnecessary and vain bequest,—one which could not really be carried out, inasmuch as there was a superabundant quantity of ecclesiastic robes and ornaments in the churches of England. Instead of that, some endowment might be made to the abbey in which the Queens body would be interred, which would be, a more suitable donation and one far more worthy of notice than that of her own robes and vestments. The abbey in which she is to be buried, added Cromwell, is one of the most honourable in all England, distant only 16 or 17 miles from the place where she breathed her last; its name is Piterbery (Peterborough). As to the late Queen's servants, no one is better qualified or bound to attend to them, and reward their good services, than the King himself, who had appointed them, and he was ready to act most honourably in that respect. As to the Princess herself, it was in her hands not only to receive and possess everything her mother had bequeathed to her, but likewise to have whatever she might ask for, provided she showed herself a dutiful daughter, obedient to her father's commands.

On this last point the gentleman in question and I disputed for a time; but I have my reasons to believe that he himself regretted having broached the subject, for he knew not what to reply to my arguments, save that the King must needs be obeyed, and that a daughter ought not to presume to be wiser or more conscientious than her own father. Upon which I remarked to him that, in my opinion, the arguments and threats the King had used at various times in order to persuade her were only intended as the means of inducing the Queen, her mother, on whom everything depended, to accede to the King's will; and, moreover, that now that that cause no longer existed, I could not conceive what motive there could be to importune the Princess—especially at a time when she had so much reason to be afflicted and in despair, from which state of despondency and grief, illness, and perhaps also death, might ensue,—an irreparable loss, from which no good could possibly result. The gentleman's answer was that not ribulation or sorrow, no excuse whatever of that sort, ought to prevent the Princess obeying the King's commands; that on no account and for no consideration whatever would the King abandon the line of conduct which seemed to him just and reasonable with regard to his daughter, whatever might come of it afterwards; and that èven if the Princess should die at present that would not be, after all, so great a misfortune as people might think, for the King had, no doubt, by this time well pondered in his mind all the inconveniences and rumours that might rise therefrom, and was, sufficiently prepared to meet all charges.

This same language had the said gentleman held to my secretary as he accompanied him from Cromwell's residence to my own. Your Majesty will easily conceive by these details what the state of affairs here is.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 21st January 1536. Wien, Rep. P.C., Fasc. 236, No. 3. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 35).

Cromwell also told me that the embassy sent by this King to Scotland some months ago was for the sole purpose of persuading king James to free himself from Apostolic obedience. But it seems to me as if these people had altogether lost their time in attempting to bring over the king of Scotland to their opinion, and have only got disrepute and shame through it; for I am told that when the Scotch ambassadors came [to London] and asked for a private and secret audience from this King—at which no one else was to be present but secretary Cromwell—when the question of these people's heretical doctrines was mooted, there resounded up in the air a most horrible and sudden clap of thunder louder than any that was ever heard; upon which king Henry began to make the sign of the Cross, not so much, as Cromwell told me, for the awe of the thing, but owing to the terrific words uttered by the Scotch ambassador on that occasion. However this may be, it appears that the King is now sending a fresh embassy to James on the same errand. I did not say much to the Scotchman about it, save to assure him in general terms of the good will and affection Your Majesty bore the King, his master, telling him besides that I held his countrymen to be good and wise people, who would know how to act in future according to their own interests, and the position of affairs in this country and elsewhere on the continent.

He who called himself "bailiff" of Amboise, as I have many a time written to Your Majesty, left this city some days ago; but no sooner had he landed at Boulogne than he was arrested and lodged in prison, at the request of the French ambassador residing here. To-day a French gentleman, attached to Mr. de Langes (Langeais) household, has arrived from Germany. As soon as 1 hear anything of the charge he brings to this country, Ishall not fail to inform Your Majesty.—London, 21 January 1536.

Signed "Eustace Chapuys."

Addressed "To the Emperor."

French. Original. Partly in cipher pp. 27.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 21st January 1536. Wien, Rep. P.C., Fasc. 230, No. 2. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to Monseigneur de Grandvelle.

Thanks him for the 3,000 ducats which he has lately received in a bill of exchange upon the Imperial treasury, and then continues:—

"There was no need of reminding me, as you did, by your letter of the 17th of December last, of the care you always take of my own personal affairs, and of your good offices with our master, for which I am, and shall always be, extremely indebted to you. There was no need, I say, of such things, for I was sure you could not act towards me, your faithful servant and friend, otherwise than you have done until now.

"Yet I must apologise for not having written to you for some time; but the bustle and agitation in which I live, a slight indisposition that has obliged me to keep to my bed for a few days, and last, not least, the very lamentable death of the good queen (Katharine), have altogether prevented me. The latter, who bore you great affection, and considered herself very much indebted for your good offices with the Emperor, our master, was continually asking for news of you and of the High Commander. Her last words and commendations to me were that I should write and plead her excuses with His Imperial Majesty, as well as with you and Covos, if her illness, which proved fatal at last, and the close confinement in which she was kept prevented her from writing. I was (she said) to write to the Emperor, her nephew, and beg he would request you and the Commander, for God's sake, to put an end to her sufferings one way or another; for she said all delay in the proposed remedy, and the mild terms used by Rome towards these people, would ultimately cause her ruin and also that of her daughter the Princess, as well as confusion in the kingdom. However, though the good Queen herself was unable, through the precarious state of her health, to let you know her fears and hopes, the Princess, I have no doubt, should God grant her life and health, will completely fulfil her commendations, being, as she is, very virtuous, and at the same time well aware of what you and the said Commander have done for her mother and for herself.

"Some one has come to tell me that there was a rumour at Court of this King and that of Scotland (James) being about to hold an interview somewhere on the Borders, about Easter; but I do not attach any faith to such news, for if there was any truth in the report, the Scotch ambassador would certainly have told me.

"Having during the last few days kept the house, and scarcely spoken to a living soul, I am afraid of having written too diffusely to His Majesty. I, therefore, beg and entreat you to suppress what may appear to you superfluous, and otherwise supply what may be wanted in my despatches.—London, 21 Jan. 1536."

P,.S,.—It had been settled between the Queens physician and myself that, should he despair of her life, he was to take care that she again, in extremis, declared and affirmed that she had not been known by Prince Arthur; but it appears that he was so much affected and troubled that he forgot it entirely.

It is surmised that the poison which caused the Queen's death came from Italy; but, as I will tell you in my next, I do not believe a word of it

Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."

Addressed "To Monseigneur de Grandvelle."

French. Holograph. pp. 3.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 21st January 1536. Wien, Rep. P.C., Fasc. 236, No. 3. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 35).

From Flanders, where the Queen Recent still keeps him, my secretary has forwarded to me Your Majesty's letter of the 13th December last, which letter, as it refers to verbal instructions which my said secretary is to bring therefrom, I shall for the present delay to answer until his return. Meanwhile, I cannot but express my humble and most dutiful thanks for the singular kindness and regard with which Your Majesty has been pleased to signify that at the first distribution of ecclesiastical benefices I shall not be forgotten. This promise I hold as a most kind and considerate reward for the few services I may have rendered in this country to God and to Your Majesty since the time I came here; and I do not hesitate to say that, had I not entertained strong hopes of such a remuneration, I should scarcely have had the courage to apply for it.

Nor can I omit to say that the undertaking mentioned in the said letter of the 13th Dec. is becoming daily less practicable and more difficult, especially since the death of the good queen Katharine, for there have been no levees since, and greater vigilance is being exercised [over the Princess]. I shall, however, be on the look-out, and see what can be done in that way whilst waiting for the arrival of my said secretary, which must take place shortly.

Your Majesty's letter of the 29th has likewise come to hand, as well as the singularly wise and prudent considerations therein contained on the perplexing condition of the late good Queen and Princess' affairs, which considerations and remarks I myself did not fail to represent to the two ladies themselves, mother and daughter, whenever there was an opportunity, though, I must own, by no means so distinctly and cleverly expressed as in Your Majesty's letter to me.

Among other representations I made to them both, one was that I doubted much whether they would not have to consent in the end, and, take any oaths this King might wish to impose on them; since, besides the many inconveniences pointed out in Your Majesty's letter as likely to result from their holding out, innumerable people in this country might lose courage for resistance, and join at once in the new heresies against the Apostolic See. The danger lay not so much in the King's proceeding legally to punish what he considered their pertinacious disobedience to his commands, as in his obtaining his object under colour of perfect reconciliation and by good treatment. I feared not (I said) the King himself; I feared the concubine (age 35), who had often sworn to take away their lives, and who will never rest until she has accomplished her object, believing, as she did, and does still, that, owing to this King's capricious humour and temper, her position will not be secure as long as the two ladies, mother and daughter, live. She would then have better opportunities than before of executing her damnable purpose, by having poison of some sort administered to them, as, owing to the King's apparent reconciliation, there would be less suspicion, and consequently less vigilance. Indeed had the two ladies yielded to the King's wishes by renouncing their respective rights, and therefore experienced more favourable treatment at his hands, there would no longer exist any cause for fearing them, and consequently there could be no suspicion of foul play on the part of their sworn enemy.

The King, therefore, and the concubine, impatient at the delay, and perceiving that legal proceedings were being taken at Rome, knowing also that should Your Majesty go thither the cause would certainly be hastened on, and a more rigorous sentence pronounced, had already decided, as it appears from what I shall say hereafter, to put an end at once to the good Queen's pleading. It was more convenient, the King and his concubine thought, that the mother should die before the daughter for many reasons, one being that, among others, she was the principal party in the suit at Rome; there was also less hope of making her yield to them, since, owing to her age and other circumstances, they must have felt that the mother would hold more firmly to her determination than the Princess, her daughter; to which may he added that the Queen, not being naturally subject to English law, they could not legally compel her as they might the daughter. There was, besides, another very potent reason for this King and his concubine wishing that the mother should die before the daughter, namely, their cupidity and insatiable lust of money, as in the event of the Queen dying before the daughter they would not be obliged to return her dowry.

Letters and Papers. [Around 29th January 1536]. Vienna Archives. 199. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Yesterday Brian returned in post from France, who, as I wrote to you at his departure, went to congratulate the French king on his convalescence, which this King lately confirmed to me, and was also charged to demand the release of certain English ships detained at Bordeaux. I think he has not been successful on the last point, because, as soon as be had arrived, the King sent for Cromwell and his other councillors, and to-day he has sent for the French ambassador, to whom I hear complaint has been made of the detention of the said ships, of which they say he has been partly the cause by writing that French merchants were illtreated here, new imposts being levied upon them in violation of treaties between the two Kings, which the Council deny to be the case. For his own justification the ambassador, immediately on his return from Court, sent for all the French merchants to hear their complaints, and will send to me to-morrow a servant to learn what the then ambassador of France and I concluded three years ago with the Council of this King touching the complaints both of the French merchants and of your Majesty's subjects. Brian is also said to have brought news that your Majesty had offered the duchess and dukedom of Milan to the king of France for the duke of Angoulême, and that this was the cause of his speedy return, in order that the King, if he wished to break the said understandings, might consent to all that the French desired. I am told that Brian is returning to France, I know not if it will be before Monday or Tuesday, because the French ambassador is put off to these days for his coming to Court with the merchants. He who was governor of Ireland is dead, and it is said affairs are not settled there, and that some of the kinsmen and friends of young Kildare resent the wrong and breach of faith that has been done to him. London, 29 Jan. 1535. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 1.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 29th January 1536. Wien, Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229, No. 6. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor.

Yesterday [the 28th] Sir [Francis] Brian (age 46) returned from France; as I informed Your Majesty at his departure, and as this King himself stated to me, he had gone thither to congratulate king Francis on his recovery, and likewise to ask for the release of certain English ships detained at Bordeaux. It seems to me as if on this last point Sir Francis had not been at all suceessful, for immediately after his arrival the King sent for Master Cromwell and the rest of his Privy Councillors, and he has this very morning summoned to his presence the ambassador of France, and complained to him, as I hear, of the detention of his ships, accusing him of being partly the cause of it for having written home that French merchants in this country were badly treated, and that every day new taxes were imposed upon them, against the letter of the treaties agreed upon between the two kings; which fact the Privy Councillors flatly denied. Whereupon, and in order to justify his assertion, the Frenchman, on his return from Court, summoned the French merchants of this city to put down in writing the grievance they complain of, and to-morrow he is to send to me one of his secretaries to learn what the former French ambassador and myself concluded and settled upwards of three years ago with this King's Privy Council with regard to the grievances complained of by the French merchants, as well as by Your Majesty's subjects.

It is also reported that the said Brian has brought news that Your Majesty has offered the hand of the duchess [Margaret] as well as the dukedom of Milan to king Francis for his son the duke of Angoulesme (Charles), and that this was the cause of Brian's sudden return to this country with a message to this effect; but adding that should this King wish to defeat the said plan he has only to consent to what the French ash of him.

I am told that Brian is shortly to return to France with the answer, they say before Monday or Tuesday of next week. But I doubt it, for the latter day has been fixed by the Privy Council as that on which the French ambassador is to appear at Court, followed by a deputation of the merchants of his nation, in justification of the assertions he has made respecting their grievances, &c.

This King's lieutenant-governor in Ireland [William Skeffington] has lately died. It is said that affairs in that country are still far from being settled, and that some relatives of the young Childare, and several of his friends, resent much the wrong that was done to him in violation of the security promised to him.— London, 20 Jan. 1536.

Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."

Addressed: "To the Emperor."

French. Original, almost entirely in cipher. pp. 6.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 3rd February 1536. V. Imp. Arch., Rep. P. C., Fasc. 228, No. 7. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Empress.

Two uncles of the earl of Childra (Kildare), one brother and another relative of his, who had hitherto held out firmly, have at last surrendered to this King's officers. Most people here think that the King was only waiting for that to have the Earl [Thomas FitzGerald] executed for, had his kinsmen and friends heard of his execution, they would never have laid down their arms, and that in order to hasten their surrender they were told that he was well treated in the Tower, and would soon be set at liberty. The Irish noblemen I speak of are shortly expected in this city, and there is a rumour afloat that they will, as soon as they arrive, be lodged in that very prison where the Earl now is, whatever promises may have been made to them.

Master Cremuel (Cromwell) sent a message the day before yesterday, and again yesterday, for me to meet him to-day or to-morrow morning, adding that if I could not come he would certainly call on me. I cannot guess what may be the object of the proposed interview, perhaps he intends making overtures on the subject of his conversation with the Queen's physician, for the latter tells me that yesterday, happening to mention the Princess' name in the presence of Cromwell, the latter put his hand to his cap, in sign of respect,—a thing which he very seldom does except when Your Majesty's name is mentioned. May God permit, by His infinite mercy, that such respect to the Princess may prove the precursor of some good treatment, and amendment of the ill-will that has hitherto guided these people in their dealings with her. —London, 3 Feb. 1535.

Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."

French. Original, pp. 3.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 3rd February 1536. V. Imp. Arch., Rep. P. C., Fasc. 228, No. 7. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Empress.

The bishop of Llandaff, confessor to the late queen of England, perceiving that he could not live a Catholic life in this country without endangering his conscience, fearing likewise lest, by refusing to swear to the new statutes of this kingdom, he should be treated as the good cardinal of Rochester¹ and many others were, determined on the very day of Your Majesty's last letter, that is, on the 25th ult., to leave England secretly, retiring to Flanders or to Aragon, of which latter country he happens to be a native, for the purpose, as he assures me, of visiting first Your Majesty and afterwards His Holiness [Paul III.] He was, however, so clumsy about it, and took so little precaution, that he was discovered, arrested, and sent to the Tower. Nobody seems to know what will be the end of this affair, but I very much fear that he will be kept in close confinement for fear he should leave England now, and report, or otherwise act against this King and his ministers. For the same reason, the former, suspecting that the late Queen's physician is also wanting to go away, is now trying all he can to prevent his departure by engaging him to take service in his household, or at least keeping him in England for some time to come. To this end Cremuel (Cromwell) this very morning sent me a polite message desiring me to send the said physician to him, and, when in his presence, requested him most earnestly to accept service in the Royal household. And upon the said physician answering that, were he to accept so suddenly the offer made, there might be cause for people to think and speak badly of him, and that besides, he being Your Majesty's subject, could not say how his entering this King's service so soon after the late Queen's death might be interpreted, Master Cremuel (Cromwell) replied that there was no difficulty in the way of his accepting the charge, for he was certain that within three months' time, counted from that day, there would be between Your Majesty and his own master as good an understanding and amity as ever there was, to accomplish which he (Cromwell) should avail himself of every opening, and that in the meantime, whatever his resolution might be, the King intended to treat him munificently. This the physician, however, refused to accept, referring entirely to me as to his line of conduct in the future.

The two gentlemen from Ghelders who came here last, one of whom is a burgomaster at Nymegue (Nimweghen), left this city four days ago. I hear that they have not obtained a definite answer to their overtures, but have been told that when the form and wording of the treaties and alliances between king Francis and their Duke have been carefully inspected here, then, and not before, a resolution will be taken in conformity with them.

Note 1. Bishop John Fisher who was executed in 1535.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 17th February 1536. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 35).

It appears that the English vessels detained at Calais, as I said above, will not be soon released, inasmuch as these people, notwithstanding the French ambassador's remonstrances on Candlemas Day—when he went again to Court, still refuse to make any innovation in their ordinances, customs, and statutes. Should the people of Bordeaux be equally obstinate and stubborn, some trouble and disorders may be apprehended. At least, such is the opinion of the French ambassador, who, having four days ago received letters from king Francis, sent word, though at a late hour, to a merchant and great friend of his, who happens to provide anything he wants for his household, to put his affairs in order, and be ready to quit England when needed; for he understood that ere long there would be disputes and contention, perhaps war, between the King, his master, and this one, not only on account of matters appertaining to the Faith but likewise owing to their refusal to grant the Princess' hand to the Dauphin. Yet it seems to me as if there was no likelihood of that, for king Francis has lately granted leave to export a large quantity of grain to this country. Neither do I hear now of Briant's return to France, as once reported, nor of any further negotiation just now between the French and English than the one above alluded to.

On the 4th inst. Parliament met, a pamphlet having "been printed at the same time for the information of its members, containing a list of the measures to be discussed therein: such as the suppression of all Church ceremonials concerning images and the worship of saints, and likewise against those who affirm that there is a purgatory. In accordance with which prohibition, and the statutes formerly passed against the authority of the Holy Apostolic See, preachers have been enjoined to instruct the people thereupon, and an order has accordingly been circulated to the prelates as well as to the minor clergy. Indeed, no later than last Sunday, the archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer) played his part well in the great square in front of the cathedral church of this city, where, in a sermon of two hours, he filled one half of that time with most blasphemous abuse of His Holiness, the Pope, and his predecessors in the Holy See. Next Sunday the archbishop of York is to preach, and after him all the rest of the prelates of this kingdom, so that after a time, one by one, from the highest to the lowest, all the clergy of England will be made to preach in a similar strain. In fact, this King's principal aim is to bring over his subjects to his opinion, so that he may more freely dispose of all the revenues of the clergy. With regard to other articles of the Lutheran sect, they have no difficulty in getting them generally accepted, not even that of the non-existence of Purgatory,—the most novel and strange of all to the English in general, and particularly to the nobles, whose ancestors instituted several ecclesiastical foundations and endowments for the good of their posterity. Yet, should the above measures be ten times more iniquitous titan they really are, nobody will dare oppose them, and contravene the Kings will, unless help and support come from abroad.

Yesterday the personage sent by Mr. de Roeulx arrived here for the purpose specified in my last dispatch, namely, to devise means for the good issue of the preconcerted undertaking, and inform me of what he himself is doing [in Flanders] towards ensuring the execution of our plan; but, as I have already explained in my last two despatches, I very much fear that the opportunity and season are gone, and that it will be more difficult than ever to bring about the flight of the Princess; for, in the first place, she has now been removed to a house distant more than 15 miles from the one in which she first resided; and as Mr. de Roeulx supposed that she was to embark near Gravesend, 20 miles from this city, the master of the vessel engaged for the purpose not daring to come further up the river, it would be necessary for the Princess and her suite to ride 40 miles, which could not be done without hating relays of post-horses.

Even then it would be impossible for the Princess and her followers to make such haste as not to be stopped on the road; for although in the village where she is now staying plenty of horses and men can be procured, yet she would have to pass through a great many large villages and towns, where, if recognized, she is sure to be stopped. None of these risks had she to run at her former dwelling, for there were near it neither horses nor men, besides which the Princess would not have had to pass through places where six or eight stout men armed with hackbuts could not have proved a sufficient escort for her protection. Nothing is so certain as what I am about to state. Had it been possible to have the Princess conveyed to some place on the coast, below Gravesend, as the skipper assets, the enterprise would have been crowned with success; but, as I said above, the place of embarkation is now too far off, and the journey on horseback too long and fatiguing, and, besides that, fraught with danger. On the other hand, should the vessel be able to enter the Thames, and come as far as two miles from this city, the danger might be of another sort. It might then be low-tide, and therefore, before reaching Gravesend, or going out of the river, the vessel might be stopped. The skipper says, among other things, that he would not dare put people below, for fear of his vessel being scrupulously searched, as they are in the habit of doing. But, in my opinion, that would not be a serious obstacle, for the Princess and her escort might be sent down in barges (charrues), as if they were passengers or seamen, and then be landed on the other side (de la) of Gravesend.

The Princess holds it as certain, and so have other people assured me, that about Christmas next she will be removed to other quarters, Indeed, she herself fancies that she will be sent either to the place whence she came, or to another still nearer, which would be most favourable for our plans.

However this may be, I must say that, notwithstanding her most ardent desire to escape from the constant anguish, tribulation, danger, as well as annoyances of all sorts by which she is beset, the Princess would still prefer a more sure and efficient remedy—one likely to arrest the growth or at least to prevent the germination of these pains and dangers [she is subjected to],—namely, that Your Majesty should diligently bestow your full attention on the means to be employed for the general and total extirpation of the evil. Not only would that be a most meritorious work in the eyes of God, it would be also the means of saving innumerable souls now on the verge of perdition, and otherwise ensuring the peace and tranquillity of Christendom In the Princess' sentiments in this respect I cannot help concurring, for even granting that she could be taken out of this country, which, as I have above stated, is an enterprise fraught with danger, matters would not improve much here; and, as she herself justly observes, it would thus become necessary to resort to force, when the whole affair would become more difficult than it is at present, for king Henry, who is rich and possesses great treasure, might, in desperation, engage in some enterprise against Your Majesty, or at least put himself on the defensive; whereas nowadays he is completely unprepared, and, considering himself safe, takes no precautions at all. So, at least, the Princess thinks. As to myself, I really believe that were the Princess at your Court, this King would think twice before he took a high hand and kicked against the pricks. Yet the Princess is continually soliciting me in various ways, and as earnestly as she possibly can, sending me daily messages and, so forth, to beg and entreat Your Majesty to hasten the remedy so often pointed out by her and by me, which seems to her to tarry long, and will at last come too late, so much so that, as she writes to me, she is daily preparing herself for death.

The Princess wished me to send an express messenger to Your Majesty to make the above representations, or else that the late Queen's physician, who seems inclined to leave England, should be the bearer of her message; but remarking to her that this would be tantamount to casting some doubt on Your Majesty's perfect love and good disposition towards her and her affairs, and, assuring her at the same time of the vigilant care for her safety that is taken in those parts where Your Majesty at present is, I made my excuses for not sending one of my own servants on such an errand, and I must say that she seems satisfied. I will also do my best to prevent altogether the physician's journey to Your Majesty's court in Spain or elsewhere, and, should I not succeed, will retain him here as long as I can, were it for no other plausible reason than the need the Princess herself may have of his attendance, as in case of illness she would trust no one but him. Though the physician has not yet been regularly appointed to attend on her, as I myself begged the King to do after the Queen's decease, yet I know that orders have been issued to the governess to allow him to visit the Princess whenever she needs it,—which, besides being a great consolation and comfort to her, will, if the permission lasts, be the means of forwarding our plans for the future.

Should the Princess' suite, as the rumour goes, be increased through the appointment of some of her mothers old servants, and were it possible to place near her person the one who was once the apothecary's assistant and served also as "valet de chamber" to the late Queen, the Princes' flight might, in my opinion, be greatly facilitated by it, for he is a man of resource, and very well disposed to help, if necessary, in an undertaking of that kind, especially if the Princess came nearer to this city, or was sent to the place where she at first resided; which event, as I said above, is expected next Christmas, when navigation generally becomes easier for rowing vessels, and the King himself is in the habit of going into the country, for then every chance would be in our favor. In the meantime Mr. de Roeulx might make in Flanders the necessary preparations, and also procure, if he has not done so already, the above described craft besides which, as appears from a letter which the King's concubine wrote to her aunt, McShelton, the Princess' governess, shortly before she miscarried, and a copy of which is here enclosed, there is at present no great urgency. I do not know whether the letter I allude to is a feint or not, though the manner in which the Princess came by it appears to me rather suspicious. The governess seems to have left or dropped it by mistake in the Princess' oratory, the latter read it, copied it out, and afterwards carefully replaced it where she found it.

Should there be occasion to carry out the enterprise, it would be undesirable for Your Majesty to keep me longer here, for no one could persuade this King, whatever excuses should be brought forward, to the effect, that I was not the inventor and promoter of the whole plan, and consequently nothing would prevent him from wreaking his vengeance on me, for in that as in many other circumstances of his life this King would like to show his power, and prove to the world that he is afraid of no one and certainly it is not his concubine who would calm his anger on the occasion, for she hates me for having always spoken the truth, and thwarted her accursed designs. It would, therefore, be advisable that, when everything is ready for the Princess' flight, I should, under some pretence or other, be recalled and ordered to make a tour in Flanders, and then ostensibly quit this country with two or three of my own servants for, as I once explained to the man sent by Mr. de Roculx, it would be extremely difficult, nay impossible, for me to take an active part in the Princess' escape, or leave England at the time she does, for I should surely be detected. On the other hand, should I go to Flanders, people here might perhaps entertain less regard for the Princess, imagining that, once at the Imperial Court, I could there work more to their advantage.

My it please Your Majesty to send me positive orders as to my line of conduct in this affair, that they may be punctually obeyed, and not to attribute the above remarks of mine to want of good-will on my part, or fear of death in Your service, which I should consider my highest honour and glory.

Two days ago two natives of Ghelders arrived on a mission to this King. As soon as I hear what they come about I shall not fail to advise, as likewise of what is done in this new Parliament, where no resolution worthy of special notice has yet been passed.—London, 17 Feb. 1536.

Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."

Addressed "To the Emperor."

French. Original, mostly in cipher, pp. 8½.

Letters and Papers. 17th February 1536. Vienna Archives. 307. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Informed His Majesty of the arrival of lord Rœulx's man by his last letters of the 10th. Has communicated his charge to the Princess by the man in whom she trusts. Late yesterday the said man informed him that it was not necessary to acquaint her with the plan, as she trusted entirely to Chapuys' discretion. She thought it would be easy to escape from the house if she had something sent her to drug some of her women with. She would have to pass her governess's window; but once out of the house could easily find means to break or open the garden gate. She is so eager to escape from all her troubles and dangers that if he were to advise her to cross the Channel in a sieve she would do it; but this desire makes it seem easier both to her and to her confidant. Thinks it would really be much more difficult, as she has no person of sense or experience about her, and if she has been lodged in a place so convenient for escaping, it may be a trap to tempt her. She does not think that she is guarded; but still she may very probably be so without knowing it, as last year at Greenwich. The ports also may be warned. The house where she is at present is much more inconvenient for the enterprise than the former one. In the first place, it is 15 miles further from Gravesend, where lord Rœulx intends her to embark. His shipmaster says that he dare not come any higher, and therefore it would be necessary to ride 40 miles on horseback. It would be impossible to do this without relays, and even with them it could not be managed with such rapidity as to prevent discovery. There are a great many people and horses in the village where she now is, and she would now have to pass several large villages, where she could be easily detained. The former house was free from these dangers; there were no horses or men near it, and it would have been unnecessary to pass through any place where six or eight harquebus men on horseback could not have kept things quiet¹. If the Princess could be brought below Gravelinghe (Gravesend), as the shipmaster wishes, all would be right. If she embarked nearer, it would have to be about two miles from here, which would be very dangerous, as one could not be sure of the tide or of not being stopped on the river. The master says he dare not conceal men in the ship, everything is so carefully searched. They might, however, be put in different boats (?) (charrues) as sailors or passengers, and disembarked beyond Gravesend. The Princess thinks it certain, and others say the same, that she will be removed about Easter, probably to the house in which she last was or nearer, which would be very convenient. Although the Princess very much desires to escape from all her troubles, still she would prefer, as surer and more profitable, the general and total remedy so necessary for God's service to rescue innumerable souls from perdition; for even if she were to escape, the matter would not end there, but the King might fortify himself where he is at present weak, and the case would be still more difficult. Thinks, for his own part, that if she were once out of England, and in the Emperor's power, Henry would not kick against the pricks. She is continually asking him to beg the Emperor to hasten the remedy, which she fears will be too late for her, for which reason she is daily preparing herself for death. She wished Chapuys to send a messenger to the Emperor, unless the late Queen's physician had any mind to go thither; but Chapuys dissuaded her from doing so by showing her that it implied distrust in the Emperor, and by assuring her of the diligence and vigilance which would be used. Will take care that the physician does not go to Spain or elsewhere, as the Princess dare not trust any one else. Although he has not yet been retained as her physician, orders have been given to her gouvernante (age 60), by Chapuys' request, since the Queen's death, to allow him to visit her whenever necessary, which will be a great comfort to her if it continue, and will make matters easier. If the King is going to add to her suite, as is reported, some of her mother's old servants, and one who served the late Queen as master valet of the apothecary, could be got as her valet de chambre, the enterprise would be much easier, as he would be a fit man to assist in it, especially if she were removed nearer London, or to the place where she last was, which, as I said, is expected about Easter, when the season will be more suitable, as the King generally leaves the neighbourhood about that time, and the sea would be more navigable for vessels with oars, which De Rœulx ought to have provided. Moreover, it appears by a letter which the concubine wrote to her aunt, Madame Shelton, the said Princess's gouvernante, shortly before the said concubine's miscarriage, of which I enclose a copy, that the Princess's case is by no means so urgent as it was before. I know not if the said letter was a ruse, of which there is some fear, seeing that it was left by the gouvernante as a thing forgotten in the Princess's oratory, who, having transcribed it, replaced it where she found it.

If the affair is carried out, it will not be to His Majesty's honor for Chapuys to remain here, as nothing will make Henry believe that he had no share in it, and consequently nothing could deliver him from death, for in this as in other things the King would show that he has no respect or fear of anyone in the world. Nor would the concubine restrain him from doing so, for she bears Chapuys no good will, any more than the King does himself, for having always shown him the truth against his inclination. Proposes, when everything is ready, to find some honorable excuse for going into Flanders with two or three of his men; for, having discussed the matter with lord Rœulx's man, it would be very difficult for him to take any part in the enterprise without being discovered; and possibly when he is gone, they would pay less regard to it, especially if he were to pretend that when in Flanders he might solicit something in their behalf. Desires instructions what to do. Does not wish the Emperor to suppose he hesitates for want of good will or for fear of death, which in His Majesty's service he would think a glory.

Note 1. "Sy ne convenoit passer par lieu que six ou huit arqueboutiers a cheval neussent pu rebouter et fait tenir quoy."

Letters and Papers. 17th February 1536. Vienna Archives. 307. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Two days ago some Gueldrois arrived, and came to the King. Will endeavour to discover the cause, and inform His Majesty both of that and of what takes place at this Parliament, in which nothing has yet been done that is worth writing. London, 17 Feb. 1535. Fr. From a modern copy¹; pp. 5.

ii. Copy of the letter of the Concubine to Madame Chelton, her aunt.

[Before 29 Jan 1536]. Mrs. Shelton (age 60), my pleasure is that you do not further move the Lady Mary (age 19) to be towards the King's Grace otherwise than it pleases herself. What I have done has been more for charity than for anything the King or I care what road she takes, or whether she will change her purpose, for if I have a son, as I hope shortly, I know what will happen to her; and therefore, considering the Word of God, to do good to one's enemy, I wished to warn her before hand, because I have daily experience that the King's wisdom is such as not to esteem her repentance of her rudeness and unnatural obstinacy when she has no choice. By the law of God and of the King, she ought clearly to acknowledge her error and evil conscience if her blind affection had not so blinded her eyes that she will see nothing but what pleases herself. Mrs. Shelton, I beg you not to think to do me any pleasure by turning her from any of her wilful courses, because she could not do me [good] or evil; and do your duty about her according to the King's command, as I am assured you do, "et le devez estre aussi (qu. assuré?) que me trouverez vre. bonne dame quil ne (qu. quelque?) chose quelle face." Fr. From a modern copy, p. 1.

Note 1. There is another modern copy in Rymer Transcripts, Vol. 145, No. 6, but some important passages are omitted in it. A translation of the greater part of the letter will be found in Froude's "The Pilgrim," p. 108.

Letters and Papers. 25th February 1536. Vienna Archives. 351. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

The day before yesterday Cromwell sent to beg that I would come and speak with him in the Church of the Augustines, which adjoins my lodging and abuts on a large house he is building, which I politely declined to do, expecting that the King was going to perform some obsequies as had been reported; and also I had determined not to go out till I had done my duty to the Church by celebrating masses for the soul of the good Queen, meaning afterwards to go out today, feast of Saint Matthias; adding that if he would not come and see me he might send to tell me what he wanted to say. As soon as he received my answer he sent to tell me, by a secretary of his who carries all the messages between the King and him (que fait toutes les ambassades entre le roy et luy), that he would have been very glad to come to me if only to see how I did, but that it was unadvisable at this time, both to avoid the suspicion of the French and because he wished only to speak to me of himself and not by command of the King, and therefore he begged I would choose some place less suspect where we could talk together, and he would tell me things of great importance for the services of your Majesty and the King. Considering his reasons, especially the second, (for of the first I might make use, as well as himself, if it were not for my desire to satisfy the King his master, as I had several times informed him,) I sent to tell him that next day, yesterday, I would be very early at the Augustines, and that after the offices which I meant to celebrate there for the Queen I would return through the house which he is building, as it would be my most direct road home. Yesterday morning, before I had gone to the church, he had already come to the said house, which is about half a league distant from where he dwells now, and there I met him after having heard the office. After thanking me for the honor I had done him in coming to see him, and for making such a good report to your Majesty of him as Granvelle had informed their ambassador, he repeated the grand prologue he has usually made touching the advantage of the amity between your Majesty and the King his master, by which you might easily succeed in your enterprises both against the Turk and others, for if you and the King were thoroughly united no other prince in Christendom durst murmur, and that he considered continually night and day how to cement the said amity. For this reason he had continually done his best to prevent anything being treated with the French to your prejudice, or to that of the said amity, and said I might remember that when the King's commissioners went to Calais to meet the Admiral and the other French commissioners he had assured me that nothing would be treated to your disadvantage, neither was there, and he could clearly show that this was one of the articles contained in the charge of the bishop of Winchester, concerning which he could also show me a letter from the king of France, who never forbore to beg the King his master to move war against you and invade Flanders; but he was quite mistaken, for the King would never undertake such a dance, and of this I might be quite assured; and, moreover, that the King his master desired nothing more earnestly than your friendship, to which he was not only naturally inclined himself but strongly urged by his Council, especially by those who were pensionaries of France, such as the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk and the Treasurer, as well as by those of the opposite party like the Earl of Wiltshire (age 59), the said councillors being indignant at the incredible ingratitude and wickedness of the French, and moved by the goodness and innumerable virtues of your Majesty, whose affairs are conducted by the grace and clemency of God, who seems to have taken your interests under His special care. Nor did they think you disinclined to reciprocate their friendship, considering the language used by Granvelle to their ambassador, and especially that it appeared by what they heard from Rome that your Majesty had not yet permitted the Pope to fulminate the censures, to do which his Holiness had been extremely urged by the cardinals since the death of the cardinal of Rochester. But although the King and his Council were well assured of your goodwill they thought if you [bore to them] onetenth part of the affection that all this people bore to you, your benevolence towards them would augment in such fashion that it would be impossible for the Pope, who was scarcely a friend of your Majesty, or any other power to persuade you to allow injury to be done to this kingdom; and since it had pleased God to remove from this world that which was the only hindrance to cordial amity, it was right that the servants of either Prince should do their utmost for the renewal and confirmation of the said amity; that he had great confidence that I would do my best to promote it, whereby I should acquire immortal fame; and he begged I would despatch some one in all diligence to inform you of the said matters, and to request that you would not lose the opportunity now that the door was open. I praised Cromwell's prudence and goodwill, and told him that hitherto I had not found in your Majesty any other desire than to continue and augment the said friendship, and that you only wished it restored to the condition of which he spoke; and as to despatching any one to your Majesty about such general conversation as we had had without any particular overture, it seemed like wasting time and trouble for nothing, for it was only the same song as ever; and, to cut the matter short, and show that something effectual was meant, it would be necessary to propose some overture. On this Cromwell said that I might feel quite assured there was no dissimulation in what he had said, and it would be very foolish in him to attempt it, for nothing could be gained thereby for his master; and as what he had said came of himself without commission from his master, I might see that he had no power to make any overture, which must come of your Majesty. And for himself, when I remarked that they had not yet replied to the first overtures your Majesty had made, he answered that there was no occasion to speak of those overtures now, as the Queen, to whom they chiefly related, was dead. I did not wish for the moment to say more than that, perhaps, the article of the validity of the Queen's sentence was still more necessary to be declared than previously; and on his asking why, I declined to tell him, saying I had not spoken assuredly, and would not insist upon the matter. Hereupon Cromwell began to praise the Bishop of Winchester, who had shown great judgment in avoiding the tricks and deceits of the French, and had wisely advised the King not to trust them, but to use every effort to ally himself with your Majesty, with which Cromwell said he was very much pleased, for the Bishop was bound to treat with the French, and to hear what they said; but when he had to treat with your Majesty his heart rebounded with pleasure. And here he showed such great anger that he could hardly explain himself, saying that the French had played such tricks upon the King that he would rather be hanged on the highest steeple of London than have done or thought the half of them; and, besides this, that the French, for their own advantage, had intimated to Likkerke that the King his master meant to send men against Flanders and against Denmark. Incidentally he told me that the marriage was spoken of between the duke of Angoulême and the duchess of Milan, and that your Majesty would invest Angoulême with the said duchy. I think all that he said is meant principally to interrupt the said alliance, of which I have the greater suspicion because the said Cromwell begged me to write it all to Likkerke as well as to your Majesty.

Letters and Papers. 7th March 1536. Vienna Archives. 429. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

The Bishop of Llandaff, confessor of the late Queen, finding that he could not live here as a Catholic, or preserve his own soul in safety, fearing also that by refusing to swear to the new statutes he should be treated like the cardinal of Rochester and some others, determined, on the very day of my last letters, 25th ultimo, to escape from the kingdom to Flanders or to Arragon, where he was born, after first visiting your Majesty and the Pope; but he managed so badly that he was taken prisoner and put in the Tower. No one yet knows what will be the issue of his case, but I fear he will not be permitted to leave the kingdom lest he should stir up opposition to the King. For the same reason the King is afraid that the late Queen's physician wishes to remove hence, and he is trying to get him into his service, or at least keep him here for some time. For this purpose Cromwell sent to me this morning, requesting that I would send the said physician to him, whom he has been urgently soliciting to accept the King's service. The physician replied that to do so at once would arouse people's suspicions, and give occasion to scandal. Moreover, he did not know how your Majesty, whose subject he is, would take it. In reply to this last point Cromwell told him that there was no obstacle at all, for before three months there would be most perfect friendship between your Majesty and the King his master; to accomplish which he was holding the door wide open. The physician, however, declined to answer without taking my advice.

The two Gueldrois who arrived here, of whom one is burgomaster of Nimiguen, left four days ago. I am told they have had no other answer but that the King would respect the treaties between France and Gueldres. The two uncles of the Earl of Kildare, a brother, and some other kinsmen who have hitherto withstood strongly, have at last surrendered. Many think that the King was only awaiting this news to put Kildare to execution. It is said that they were assured that Kildare was well treated, that they might be entrapped. They are expected every day in this city, and it is said they will all wed the Tower, whatever has been promised them. Cromwell sent yesterday and the day before to tell me that he would come to me today or tomorrow. Perhaps he means to inform me that the King avows what he said to me lately; or perhaps he means to come to some particular overture on the subject of his proposals to the Queen's physician, who informs me that on speaking with him yesterday, when he named the Princess, Cromwell put his hand to his bonnet, which he did not often do, except sometimes when mention was made of your Majesty. London, 7 March 1535.French, from a modern copy, pp. 2.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 10th March 1536. Wien, Rep. P. C., Fase. 229½. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

In my letter of the 7th inst. I mentioned the fact of Mr. Cromwell showing great desire of holding a conference with me. I thought at first that this was caused by the suspicion and fear these people have of Your Majesty coming to friendly terms or contracting a close alliance with France,— of which they are extremely suspicious. As, however, they must have since received intelligence from that country that there is no probability at present of such an alliance being made, I observed that Cromwell did not show so much eagerness for the proposed interview. This very day, however, he has sent me word that if he knew when I should be disengaged, he would call on me, were it for no other purpose than to know how I was faring. I will still wait a day or two to see what he intends doing, and if he does not come, shall go to him, and hear the news he has, so as to prevent their making a treaty with the French to Your Majesty's prejudice; from which, however, as far as I can gather from various quarters, they are now farther off than ever they were, being thoroughly disgusted with their neighbours, so much so that they will not hear about them and their intrigues,—not even the duke of Norfolk, who some time ago, in conversation with the French ambassador and with his brother, was heard to say that one of the greatest boons this King could confer on him would be the permission for him to raise 10,000 men and lead them across the seas in the service of king Francis whereas now, lately, upon the French ambassador mentioning to him his master's great military preparations, and how advantageous it would be both for Francis and Henry to join in a common enterprise, the Duke merely observed, in the coldest possible manner, that he and the rest of the Privy Councillors were too much pre-occupied with parliamentary affairs just now to mix themselves up in French wars. And even today Cromwell has assured one of my men that, whatever the French might say or do, they could never prevail on the King, his master, to join in that dance; after which he began to abuse them for their inhumanity towards Monseigneur of Savoy. The same French ambassador has this very day had a long conference with the Privy Councillors at Westminster for the sole purpose of remonstrating against the griefs, annoyances, and injuries of which the most Christian King pretends his subjects here are the victims,—a most odious and unpleasant task, which the said most Christian King seems to have taken much to heart, writing continually and urging his ambassador to get redress thereof. Nothing, however, has yet been decided in favour of or against the said French claims, and I am told that this king is about to send four doctors into France, there to discuss the affair. Yet it strikes me that if the French really wish to treat with these people, they ought not to cause them annoyance in matters of this sort.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 1st April 1536. Wien, Rep. P. C., Fasc. 230, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

Having three days ago received letters from the Queen Regent of Flanders, addressed to this king, in answer to his application for the extradition of the two rebels escaped from this kingdom, about which Your Majesty has no doubt been already informed, I sent to inquire from Master Cromwell when it would be agreeable for the King to receive me, that I might then present my letters to him. Cromwell's answer was that the King would like to see me at any time, but that if it suited me better, or if it was more convenient for me to communicate to him (Cromwell) the substance of the said letters, I was quite welcome to do so at any hour I liked, and would then get an immediate answer. Yesterday morning, and again in the evening, Cromwell sent me another message to this effect,—that if I wished to avoid the trouble of going to him, he himself would willingly call on me, as it was his duty to do. Not choosing, however, to abuse the Secretary's courtesy on this occasion, and yet considering it my duty to present the said letters, I thought it better and more expedient to address myself to him rather than to the King. My purpose in so doing was twofold; I did not wish in the least to countenance the King's assertion to the French ambassador the other day, namely, that a courier had come with despatches, which I had not made known to anyone, and that Your Majesty had sent that courier expressly for the purpose of soliciting from him (the King) a loan of money, and making, besides, a number of fine offers. As Cromwell, in appearance at least, seems very desirous of the preservation and increase of friendship of his master's with Your Majesty, and is daily doing good offices in that respect—not only pointing out those measures which he considers most fit under the circumstances, but advising also of his own accord, and working for the accomplishment of our mutual wishes —I thought I had better go myself and see him at his own rooms, when I might perhaps find out what he has in his head, since for some time back he has been saying that he wants to see me in private.

Accordingly yesterday, after dinner, I called. Cromwell found the Queen's letter excellent, and expressed his approval of it by repeating, five or six times, "This is indeed a very good commencement for the guidance and successful issue of the affair in hand, namely, the consolidation of the friendship between the Emperor and the King, my master. I can assure you that my master is now more inclined than ever—and so are all the members of his Privy Council, without exception—to foster and increase that very friendship; and that for a long time back there has often been in that body some idea of dispatching a considerable embassy to the Emperor. The King, however, I must say, has always been of a contrary opinion; he thinks that until a categorical answer comes to the overtures he himself made to me, about Christmas of last year, no such embassy should be sent" Cromwell went still further; he assured me on his faith and honour that the King, his master, whatever he might have done in past times, had of late entered into no treaty in France, Germany, or elsewhere likely to prejudice the alliance and friendship he now has with Your Majesty. Even lately, having been requested by two agents of the duke of Ghelders, sent to this country for the purpose of contracting the same sort of league and alliance as king Francis had made with his master, king Henry had answered that since both parties were now at peace with each other, he saw no necessity for such a league; and that even if it were required, the keeping and preservation of former alliances, principally those which he himself had with Your Majesty, had to be attended to previously. With which answer, short and concise as it was, the two personages sent by the Duke had returned home without obtaining further hearing.

Cromwell has confirmed the information he gave me some time ago respecting the interview which this King and he of Scotland intended holding at York next summer, adding that most likely, after the meeting, both would come together to London. I imagine, however, that if king James ever did agree to the said interview, it was in the hope of persuading this one to grant him the hand, of the Princess, his daughter; and that now that he has heard from his ambassadors in France that his marriage with the daughter of Vendosme is already settled—of which James knew nothing when he dispatched his ambassador, who is now here for the purpose of arranging the interview—I should think that he must have changed his mind in that respect.

Letters and Papers. 1 April [1536]. Vienna Archives. 601. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Having three days ago received letters from the Queen Regent in Flanders, addressed to this King, in reply to those he wrote to her for the delivery of two rebels and fugitives of this realm, I sent to Cromwell to know when I should present them; who made answer that I should be welcome to him at all times; nevertheless if it suited me better to deliver them to Cromwell instead, I might do so. And immediately after the said reply, Cromwell sent to me again yesterday morning direct to say that if I agreed he would relieve me of the trouble and come to me, as he thought he was in reason bound to do. But I thought I must not abuse such great courtesy, seeing that I had to present the same letters; and I thought it better to address myself to him rather than to the King, both to avoid giving colour to what the King had lately intimated to the French ambassador, viz., that some courier had come whom I kept in secret, and that you had despatched him expressly to solicit aid in money, and also because Cromwell, being, as he professes, very much inclined to the preservation of amity between your Majesty and the King, not only does continually good service in reporting what he sees conducive thereto, but also adds of himself according to the exigence of affairs. Further, I thought it would be good to find out what was at the bottom of his repeatedly expressed desire to talk with me. Accordingly I went yesterday after dinner to Cromwell, who was very well satisfied with the said Queen's letters, and replied five or six times, with great fervour, that it was a good beginning for the matter of the preservation of the amity of which we had so often talked, to which the King was more inclined than ever, and likewise those of his Council; and that it had been frequently proposed for a long time past to send some good embassy to your Majesty, but that the King alone had always been opposed to it until he had received some answer to what he told me during the Christmas holidays, and which Cromwell had repeated to me since. And Cromwell assured me, on his life and honor, that the King had never treated anything in France, Germany, or elsewhere, to the prejudice of the friendship he has with your Majesty; and that lately again, having been asked by two persons sent hither by the duke of Gueldres to make a similar league with the said Duke to what the French had made, the King had replied that as both parties were at peace there was no occasion for a league, and if there were, he must presuppose the reservation of ancient friendships, especially those he had with your Majesty. And with this answer the said personages of Gueldres returned without having achieved more. Cromwell has confirmed to me the statement that his master and the king of Scots are to meet at York, and that perhaps they might afterwards come hither in company. I think the king of Scots agreed to this interview in the hope of persuading the King to give him the Princess, but being informed of the conclusion of the marriage made by his ambassadors with the lady of Vendôme, of which he knew nothing when he despatched the ambassador who came hither to arrange the interview, I suspect there will be some change.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 1st April 1536. Wien, Rep. P. C., Fasc. 230, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

It would seem to me as if the agreement made by the Lubeckians with the duke of Olsten (Holstein) has not pleased the English, for, happening to mention it in the course of conversation, Cromwèll called the people of that town (Lubeck) villains and scoundrels, adding that notwith standing the said agreement lately made by them, and that the duke of Holstein was himself king of Denmark now, yet his master, the King, having lately had occasion to write to him on the release of certain English ships captured by his people, had addressed him as duke, not as king, telling him, besides, that he knew very well that there lived another legitimate ling of Denmark, who had daughters, on whom the crown might rightly devolve one of these days.

Whilst on this subject, Cromwell complained to me that very lately Dr, Adam, about whom I wrote to Your Majesty, and a servant of this king, who accompanied him, had been arrested in Flanders, just at the time when they were returning from Lubeck and Denmark. Cromwell begged me to write again for their liberation, a thing which I could not well refuse, and have already done, though, at the same time, I have stated my own private opinion to the councillors in the Low Countries, namely, that without previous consent from the Emperor, and the close examination and confession of the prisoners, they ought not to be liberated. The doctor is a very sharp fellow (ung tres fin galant), who has been the cause of a good deal of mischief.

This King and the members of his Council are at present very much engaged in making regulations and appointing officers for the administration and collection of the lands as well as revenues confiscated from the Church, and formerly belonging to the monasteries and abbeys that are to be suppressed and pulled down. I am told that the number of religious houses thus suppressed exceeds 300, and the amount of revenue to be collected is upwards of one hundred and twenty thousand ducats, besides the silver plate, chalices, reliquaries, vestments, and other church ornaments, the bells and leaden roofs of the houses, the "catle" and furniture belonging to them—all of which will fall to the King's share—and will amount, as they say, to an incalculable sum of money.

Meanwhile, all these lords are trying to farm out Church lands, of which the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk have already had a good portion allotted to them. I am told, besides, that although Cromwell was at one time the adviser and promoter of the demolition of the English convents and monasteries, yet perceiving the great inconveniences likely to arise from that measure, he has since made attempts to thwart it, but -that the King had resolutely declined to make any modification of it whatever, and has even been somewhat indignant against his secretary for proposing such a thing.

The prelates here are daily meeting in the archbishop of Canterbury's rooms, to discuss certain articles, as well as the reformation of church ceremonies. I am given to understand that they do not admit of Purgatory, nor of the observance of Lent and other fasts, nor of the festivals of Saints and worship of images, which is the shortest way to arrive at the plundering of the church of St. Thomas of Canterbury and other places of resort for pilgrims in this country. And I am told that the above-mentioned prelates are now busily engaged in framing an answer to certain writings of Luther and of his followers, which this King's ambassador [in Saxony], a bishop, has sent them, in which writings the said Luther and his disciples maintain that this king's first marriage was permissible, but that whether or no, that the legitimacy of the Princess can in no wise be questioned. And, moreover, it is an ascertained fact that the said ambassador bishop, in order, no doubt, to please the King, his master, has written to say that he fancies Luther and his followers are of a different opinion, but dare not say so openly for fear of Your Majesty.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 21st April 1536. Wien. Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229½, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

Immediately after his dinner the King, passing through the presence chamber, where I was, showed me the same marked attention as in the morning, and, taking me by the hand, conducted me to his private room, followed only by the High Chancellor and Master Cromwell. Once inside, he took me apart to the window, where I failed not to remind him of the many conferences I had held with his secretary, as well as of those which Your Majesty's ambassador in France had had with master Waloup (Wallop) there residing for him. After which, the King having also reminded me of the old friendship and affection which Your Majesty had once borne him, I commenced to explain what your wishes were respecting the four points under discussion, taking care, of course, to express myself as mildly and courteously as possible, so as not to irritate him or give the least ground for altercation. I must say the King listened to me calmly, and without giving the least sign of impatience or interrupting me until I ended my speech by saying that in your desire for the peace and tranquillity of Christendom Your Majesty had purposely waived all claims to the county of Bourgoyne, which in point of fact belonged to you, as you could prove, not to those who were now invading the duchies of Savoy and Milan. Hearing this, the King burst out laughing, and said that Milan belonged to Francis, and the duchy of Burgundy also, inasmuch as Your Majesty had formally renounced both by the treaty of Cambray, which load superseded that of Madrid, which he described as a most unreasonable and cruel convention. "Had Milan," he said, "fallen into the hands of the Emperor, that would in no manner invalidate Francis' right to it, since treaties of defensive alliance refer only to those possessions and territories which the contracting parties hold at the time." My reply was directed to make the King feel that he was misinformed concerning the rights of Your Majesty to the duchies of Milan and Burgundy, and that at the date of that treaty Your Majesty was the real and true owner of the duchy of Milan, since he who then held it was only a feudal lord, after whose death the duchy had not been acquired by you afresh, but merely consolidated in your former possession of it, making, as it were, a direct and useful whole of the dominion. Which reasoning of mine, as Master Cromwell himself has since told me, was afterwards weighed and maturely considered, so as to obtain the approbation of the King and of his Privy Council.

Perceiving by the above words that the affection this King professes to have for Your Majesty is neither sincere nor disinterested, I did not insist further on the subject, and contented myself with asking whether in case of the king of France infringing any other articles, such as those relating to the duke of Ghelders and others, he himself would not take part and act in conformity with the treaties made with Your Majesty. He answered that if those treaties imposed any obligations upon him, he should certainly fulfil them much better than many other princes had done with respect to himself, and that in all other matters not obligatory, he should naturally lean to the side of those who should show him the greater affection. Coming then to the subject of the war against the duke of Savoy, he tried to persuade me, notwithstanding my previous explanation of its motives, as instructed, that the invasion of that duchy by the French was not entirely against your wish, and that the Duke (Carlo) had formerly offered to go personally to the French Court, an argument, of course, which I did my utmost to defeat.

After this the King sent for the Chancellor and for Master Cromwell, and begged me to repeat before them what I had said to him. That I did as summarily as I could, and having accomplished my task without interruption or contradiction from him and the other two, all three conferred for some time together in a corner of the room. During this time I made the acquaintance of, and conversed with the brother of the damsel whom this King is now courting, all the time keeping my eye fixed on the King and those who were with him. There was no doubt much altercation, and angry words seemed to be passing between the King and Cromwell, for after a considerable interval of time the latter came out of the embrasure of the window whereat the King was standing, on the excuse that he was so thirsty that he could go on no longer, and this he really was from sheer annoyance, for he went to sit on a chest out of the King's sight, and asked for something to drink. Shortly after the King came out of the recess,—whether to approach the place where I was, or to look for Cromwell, I cannot say,—but the fact is that he came up to me, and said that the matters proposed were so important that unless I wrote them down it would be impossible for him to communicate them to his Privy Council and make an answer thereon. I replied that though I had no positive orders on that point, I dared not comply with his wish on many accounts; first of all because it was an innovation to which I had never before been subjected. No one had ever asked me to put down in writing, much less found me vacillating in, my sentiments or opinions, so as to suspect that I could suddenly change my line of conduct. I had learnt from his own ambassadors, who went once to Bologna, to make such a refusal, although they by no means had such an excuse as I myself now had. I had likewise taken pattern by Cromwell himself who had never given me anything in writing. If he (the King) wished to have my proposals in writing in order to guard against any dissimulation on the part of Your Majesty, he might have my ears cut off, if he liked, but I would certainly cause greater annoyance than all the writings in the world put together. Which speech of mine, "than all the writings in the world put together, should there be any accusation of insincerity on the part of Your Majesty," as Cromwell afterwards assured me, had the effect of inspiring the King with confidence, and leading him to take my offer seriously. Yet I must say that at the time the King insisted most pertinaciously on having my statement in writing, repeating several times, in the most obstinate manner, that unless I did so I should get no answer.

At last, notwithstanding his obstinate refusal to take any notice of what I had previously said to him, the King proceeded from one thing to another to make some sort of an answer, though vague, confused, and rather passionate, the substance of which was: Respecting the first point and the Pope, that affair, he said, did not concern Your Majesty in the least; you ought not to meddle with it unless you wanted to revindicate authority over all the world. Should he (the King) feel inclined to treat with His Holiness, he had plenty of means at hand and friends who would help him thereto, without having recourse to Your Majesty's intercession.

With regard to the Princess, the King said that site was his daughter, and that accordingly as she was obedient or disobedient he would treat her; nobody had anything to do with that.

On the third point, namely the subvention towards the Turkish war, it was necessary (he said) before he himself took any engagements, that there should be a renewal of the old friendship, for it would not do to entail unreasonable expense upon those who had scarcely anything to do with the affair.

Concerning the fourth,—which under present circumstances I consider as the most important, and as requiring a speedy settlement—the King answered that he was not at all inclined to break through promises he had or might have made, or refuse his friendship to those who desired it, provided it were on convenient terms; but that he was no longer a child to be whipped in the first instance, and then caressed and, petted, and urged to come back and called all manner of sweet names. Saying which., and in order to show me practically what he meant, the King began to play with his fingers on his knees, and do as people who want to appease and call back a crying child. Before asking favor and help, continued the King, from one who has received injury, it was necessary that the past should be acknowledged. And upon my observing that for a long time back I had been treating of the re-establishment of friendship between Your Majesty and him, and that I had many a time pressed in vain for an answer as well as for his decision respecting Your Majesty's proposals, he replied that it was not for him to make overtures, but rather for those who sought his friendship; and on my replying that unless the wounded man exhibited his wound to the surgeon it was imposible to apply a remedy to it, he suggested that Your Majesty ought to write him a letter requesting him, in case there had been in past times an appearance of ingratitude, or any failing towards him on your part, to forget and forgive the same, thus proving to the World and to him that the root of the old friendship was not entirely dead; there might be then the chance of a settlement. I told him that the request was unreasonable, upon which he became more moderate, and said, "Let at any rate the Emperor write me a letter asking that no further mention be made of the past." My answer was, that no letter to that effect was needed, since I myself had made such a request in Your Majesty's name; but the King still insisted that such a letter was wanted; it was of no use reminding him of what he himself had told me many a time, namely that delay is the ruin of every good work.

After this, without my giving any cause or occasion, unless he himself purposely made it (since I had all the time spoken in the mildest possible way, and listened most patiently to his arguments), the King got very excited, and began to speak of what he called Your Majesty's ungrateful behaviour towards him, asserting that without him you would never have become Emperor, nor peaceably enjoyed your Spanish kingdom, and that the very moment that Your Majesty had been elected to the Empire, not only had you forsaken him altogether, but had tried, to have him declared contumacious by Pope Clement, and deprived of his kingdom. Not only that, Your Majesty had not fulfilled the promise you once made, never to make peace with France until you had helped him (Henry) to get possession of the French crown. Nay, when the most Christian king Francis was in Your Majesty's power, you had told him that you could not make war on your own prisoner. In saying so, the King intentionally omitted the second part of the answer, namely, that when his message came to Spain, Your Majesty had already capitulated with the chancellor of Alençon, as I failed not to remind him. As to the declarations of which he spoke, I said that he knew very well it was the Pope himself who had advised, nay proposed to you, the aforesaid measure and declaration. If he took the trouble to inquire, he would find that, when the Admiral of France [Chabot] departed in disgust at the bad issue of the Calais conferences, other parties solicited from the Pope that same declaration. I went on in this way entreating the King to put all that on one side, saying that if there had been in times past misunderstanding or error, the greater ought now to be our care for the preservation of peace, and re-establishment of the old friendship. In confirmation of which argument I alleged certain authorities, and made quotations from ancient history. I afterwards told the King that if he declined to give a formal and cathegorical answer to my proposals, he had better write to his ambassador near Your Majesty to say so. He remained some time in suspense, and then said: "If you wish it, I have no objection; I will write to that effect, but then my verbal answer must be considered as not given at all." Then, he added, "my ambassador with the Emperor is unfit for that task (trop inepte), and you yourself had better. nay, ought to undertake it, You began the negociation your's ought to be the honour of bringing it to a close."

During the above dialogue the High Chancellor and Cromwell looked sad and dejected; whatever signs the King made encouraging them, as it were, to support his reasoning and applaud his arguments, neither of them said three words to the purpose. In conclusion the King said that on the following day he would cause the old treaties between Your Majesty and himself to be again examined, and that I should be informed of his resolutions.

After this meagre and unsatisfactory answer from the King's own lips, and having particularly recommended the affair to the duke of Norfolk and the other councillors, I left the royal palace and repaired to meet Cromwell at the very place where I had seen him in the morning. There we mutually condoled and, communicated our sorrow and disappointment, which was very great, especially on the side of Cromwell, who seemed so affected that he could hardly say one word. Never in his life (said he) had he been so much taken aback as on hearing the said answer. I suggested to him the idea of dropping the business altogether, or else delaying it for an indefinite time, attending only to what could be done respecting the fourth point, and the marriage of the Princess. Hearing which, Cromwell suddenly recovered his wits, and said that the game was not entirely lost, and that he had still hopes of success.

Next day, which was Easter Wednesday, the King's Privy Council met again and sat for upwards of three or four hours, and, as I am informed by Cromwell, there was not one among the councillors who did not go on his knees to the King, and, remain long in that position praying and entreating him for the honor of God not to lose so good an opportunity of establishing this desirable and close friendship between Your Majesty and himself; yet, Cromwell said: "We have been unable to make him change his opinion; he said that he would rather suffer all the evils of this world than have to confess tacitly, much less expressly, that he had offended Your Majesty in any way, or consent to ask for the said friendship. Should, however, the application be made in the manner he (the King) had pointed out to me, he would be glad to accept it."

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 21st April 1536. Wien. Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229½, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

All this Cromwell has come to tell one this very morning, Thursday. Yet at the same time he has thanked me in the King's name for my good offices in the matter, begging me to go on striving for the accomplishment of the said friendship, also declaring to me in his master's name that this point once gained all others would be settled to Your Majesty's satisfaction. That he earnestly requested me, for the honor of God, to obtain from Your Majesty at least a letter of credence in my favour addressed to this King, who, he said, would, largely reward me for my trouble. He, moreover, gave one to understand that he had told the King, his master, that had he known what was going to happen in the business, he certainly would not have been any party to it, not for all the gold in England, and that in future he would not treat with foreign ambassadors unless he had with him one of his colleagues [in the Privy Council]. He went still further. He declared to me that although he had all the time dissembled and made me believe that what he said to me was his own private view of the affair, not the King's, he could assert—nay swear—that he had done or said nothing without his master's express commands. And upon my asking him what could be the cause of such radical change in the King's mind, he answered that he did not know in the least, nor had the King said anything to him to enable him to form a conjecture. On the contrary he had been much pleased with the modest terms in which I had addressed him. Cromwell ended by observing that princes were endowed with qualities of mind and peculiarities unknown to all other people, by which assertion and many others of the same kind, he (Cromwell) openly manifested his discontent at the strange nature of the King's character, adding that not only had he written to his ambassadors in France to represent to the Most Christian the necessity of at once desisting from his enterprises in Italy and elsewhere, but had, no later than yesterday, spoken in that sense to the French ambassador, who, as Cromwell himself informs me, returned from Court as disappointed and sad as I myself was the day before.

At last, seeing no other remedy, and upon Cromwell's positive assurance that all remonstrances before the Privy Council would be time lost, I have, for the sake of temporizing, and not giving these people occasion for negociating in another quarter, put the best possible construction on the King's conditional refusal and Cromwell's explanation of it, accepted them and promised to employ all my efforts and those of my freinds at Court to obtain from Your Majesty the desired letter of credence. Upon which Cromwell rather doubtfully remarked: "whoever trusts in the words of princes who one day say one thing and on the next retract it, relies on them, or expects the fulfilment of their promises, is not a wise man, as I myself experienced last Tuesday." After which, with many recommendations and prayers, prayers that I myself would do my utmost to promote the affair, and the positive assurance on his part that no favorable opportunity should be lost of bringing it before his master, I took my departure and left him.

Since then Cromwell has sent me word that he had received letters from France, which made him, suspect that there is now some sort of treaty being negociated between Your Majesty and king Francis, and requesting me, if I happened to know anything about it, to inform him thereof confidentially. Should the report turn out true, said the message, I was to advise him how to act in order to prevent the suspension or falling off of the negotiations on, foot here. My answer was that I knew nothing about it; my own impression was that if Your Majesty wished to gratify the French in any wise, a settlement of your differences would soon be made; yet I saw no signs of it at present, for, although matters might be very much advanced, there was no probability of anything being concluded before the return of this courier, whom I was about to despatch to [Italy]. As to the advice he asked for, he was too wise a politician to require it; he knew very well how to act without it, and that I could not tell him more on the subject than I had said at our last interview. He has since sent me another message to the effect that, owing to the sudden and hasty arrival of the French courier, he had no time to prepare the letters which his master was to send. He, therefore, begged me to delay, as long as I could, the departure of mine. At first I made some difficulty about complying with his request; but on his sending me a second message with the same prayer, I acceded to it on consideration, as Cromwell hinted to me, that after the news brought by the French courier, the King might feel inclined to return a different auswer to my proposals.

I beg Your Majesty to believe that one of the greatest annoyances I have experienced in this country has been my total inability to treat of this matter according to Your Majesty's wishes. I could not have used more vigilance, care, and dexterity than I have done, and have purposely refrained from entering into minute particulars for fear of being over prolix; I humbly beg Your Majesty to pardon me if I have not done what may seem best.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 21st April 1536. Wien. Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229½, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

As it might well happen that, setting aside all further negociations with these people, Your Majesty considered it expedient to treat with the French, I will, come what may of it, and in obedience to Your Majesty's commands, state in two words my own private opinion concerning the Princess' business, and what we ought to ask in her favour. With all due deference to Your Majesty's consummate prudence and innate wisdom, I think, under correction, that having to treat with such a faithless nation as the French are, and with people who wish to make their own profit out of everything, if would be advisable that the entire negotiation should be put into the hands of the Pope, or of his ministers, or else conducted through their intermediate agency. It ought to be stipulated that Your Majesty and the king of France are to promise to obey implicitly the provisions and commands of His Holiness and, of the Apostolic See, principally those emanating from, arising out of, or consequent on the matrimonial sentence. It ought also to be stipulated that in the event of this King obstinately refusing, as he has done hitherto, to obey the Papal injunctions, the sentence of deprivation shall be absolutely proceeded with, and the right to the crown of England entirely reserved to the Princess without prejudice, title, or pretence of anyone whomsoever; and that with a view to prevent her claims being hereafter frustrated, or damnified by the pretensions of France. In order to afford better opportunity to provide for the careful preservation of the Princess' life, some, stipulation ought also to be made in favour of her legitimate successors, as well as concerning the assistance to be given to Your Majesty in the pursuit of quarrels originating in injuries done to her and others, though I fancy that Your Majesty will perhaps not hear of that. There ought to be in the treaty a clause expressly stipulating that neither Your Majesty nor ling Francis is to consider as legitimate any descendants of this king by his concubine (Anne) or any other woman he may have during the Princess life, the said clause being in conformity with the words of the Papal sentence and civil law, unless the Pope himself chose to grant a dispensation, which, however, it would be necessary to warn the Pope not to grant. I do firmly believe that should this king know that a treaty of this sort had been concluded, he would immediately, without waiting for further pressure, be brought to reason; and if peradventure it was Your Majesty's pleasure to pursue the affair here, it would be useful to write letters to this king's chancellor, and to the duke of Norfolk, thanking them for their good will, and begging them to persevere.

The French ambassador, as I have hinted above, went to Court the day after me, without being called, when this king, after complaining of the various grievances specified in the former part of this despatch, spoke seriously to him of certain "galeaces" newly built in France, which had lately come to the English coast to watch, and if possible capture, a Venetian ship. The said "galeaces" had touched at certain harbours of this kingdom; inquiries had been made as to the merchandize stored in them, &c. At which this king was by no means pleased. He was still less so at the answer which the French ambassador returned to him on the occasion, for he said that the fustes and galeaces above alluded to had not come for the purpose of reconnoitring vessels within the English harbours, but merely to ascertain if any English ones had brought corn from France in contravention of the ordinance prohibiting its exportation. The ambassador, as Cromwell afterwards told me, did not gain much credit by the answer, and on the other hand seemed highly displeased at my having gone to Court on the preceding day, and been well received there.

A, bill has passed in Parliament ordering the sequestration of all the personal property of the bishop of Norwich, and confirming the grant which the King made of it to the earl of Wiltshire, to whom two of the suppressed abbeys have likewise been allotted. Parliament, which, owing to various prorogations, had sat ever since I myself first came to this country, has now been dissolved, to the great cost and annoyance of its members and of the English in general; and what is worse, though all the lords of the kingdom, both ecclesiastics and laymen, besides upwards of 300 gentlemen representing the Commons sat in it, yet the whole of its authority and power has by statute been transferred to a body of 32 personages to be chosen and elected by the Crown, which is one of the points which this king has most desired to accomplish.

The ambassador of Scotland tells me that nothing has yet been decided respecting the interview of the two kings, and that he himself had come purposely to learn the cause why this one did desire so much to see his master. Having made the inquiry, the answer wan that king Henry would not declare his reasons to any living soul except to James himself. It appears, moreover, that immediately after this ambassador's arrival at Court, Cromwell intimated to him that on no account was he to take the liberty of asking for the Princess' hand for his master, nor to bring forward religious matters at the projected conference. Therefore the ambassador himself thinks the interview will not take place at all, though this king seems still very desirous of it, and has lately sent to Scotland the brother of the duke of Norfolk to promote and hasten the meeting in London.—21 April 1536.

Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."

Addressed: "To the Emperor."

French. Original. Entirely ciphered. pp. 8.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 21st April 1536. Wien. Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229½, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

Before the King left his apartments to go to Chapel and hear mass, Cromwell came to me, and asked in the King's name whether I did not wish to visit the concubine (age 35) in her rooms, and kiss her hand; the King would be particularly pleased by my doing so, yet if I had the least objection, he referred entirely to my will. My answer was that for a long time back I had professed to be the King's slave, and had no other wish than to execute his commands; but that it seemed to me that for many reasons, which I would tell the King himself the very first time I had an audience from him, my visit to the lady under present circumstances would be highly inconvenient. I begged Cromwell to make my excuses, as though from himself and try to dissuade the King therefrom, as, in my opinion, it could only be detrimental to the negociation in hand. Cromwell went away, and soon after returned, saying that the King had taken my excuses in good part, and hoped that very shortly all matters would be speedily settled to the satisfaction of the parties. He then said to me that after dinner I could speak with the King at leisure, and that on leaving him, I should, according to custom, go into the Council room, and explain my charge. I replied that it seemed to me as if the matters under discussion were so honest and reasonable, and had been so long ago anticipated, that the King might take at once a resolution upon them; or else he (Cromwell), to whom Your Majesty's credentials had been addressed, could report to the Council much better than I myself could. I added that until I had heard what the King's intentions and will were respecting the whole or part of the proposed negociation I strongly objected to appear before the Privy Council, though I purposed addressing each of them in particular, and doing anything else they might advise.

Soon after this I saw the King pass; he made me a most gracious bow, holding his cap in his hand, and not allowing me to remain longer uncovered. He asked me how I was, and how I had passed my time since the last time he had seen me. He added that I was welcome, asked for news of Your Majesty, and seemed delighted to hear you were in good health. After that he asked where Your Majesty was, and on my answering that the courier stated that at his departure from Rome he had left you close to that city, he replied that to judge from the date of Your Majesty's letter to his secretary it would appear that on the departure of the courier from Rome you were at Gaeta. He then asked me whether Your Majesty intended making a long stay at Rome, and on my answering that I did not think so, unless thereby you could be of use to him and do his pleasure —sure as I was that for such a purpose and end Your Majesty would have no difficulty in making a longer stay, or doing other things for Ids honor and for love of him— he smiled and made another bow. He then said that he imagined it would have been far better for Your Majesty's plans and interests not to have gone so soon to Rome, but to have remained longer in the kingdom of Naples, in order to throw the bait to those who wanted it, and catch them more securely within your nets. My answer was that there was still plenty of time left for dissimulation, thereby meaning that I was sure Your Majesty in this, as well as in other matters, would act conformably with his advice, as that of his oldest friend, brother, and almost father, as he would gather by what I should have the honor to tell him more at leisure. "Certainly" replied the King, "We will talk of that and other matters." I was conducted to the Chapel by lord Rochefort (age 33), the concubines brother, and when the offering came a great many people flocked round the King, out of curiosity, and wishing no doubt to know what sort of a mien the concubine and I should put on; yet I must say that she was affable and, courteous enough on the occasion, for on my bring placed behind the door by which she entered the chapel, she turned round to return the reverence which I made her when she passed.

After mass the King went to dine with the concubine in her apartments, all the courtiers accompanying him except myself who was conducted by lord Rochefort to the Royal presence chamber, where I dined with the principal courtiers. As I afterwards learned from a distinguished officer of the Royal household, who was there present, the concubine asked the King during dinner why I had not come as the other ambassadors had done, and that the King had answered that there were good reasons for it. Nevertheless, another courtier affirms that he heard the concubine say to the King after dinner, that it was a great shame for the king of France to treat his own uncle, the duke of Savoy, as he was doing, and make preparations for the invasion of Milan for no other purpose, as she said, than to prevent and mar the enterprise against the Turk, and that it seemed as if the Most Christian, weary of life owing to his sufferings and bad health, wished to put an end to his days as soon as possible.

Letters and Papers. 21st April 1536. Vienna Archives. 699. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Hereupon, without having given him any occasion except [that I desired] he would take with extreme gentleness and patience what I showed him, he began to be somewhat angry, and reproached your Majesty with great ingratitude, saying that without him you would not have acquired the Empire or enjoyed Spain, and that after you had been elected you had not only treated him with neglect, but had tried to get him declared schismatic and deprived of his kingdom, and that you ("quil," qu "quelle"? i.e. vre. Majesté) had not kept your promise to him not to make peace with the king of France till you had obtained for him the crown of France, and that when Francis was your prisoner you had replied you would not make war on your prisoner. He concealed the other article of the reply, viz., that he had already made a compact with the Chancellor of Alençon, as I showed him, telling him, as to the declarations he spoke of, that he himself had affirmed to me, (and I had not since spoken to him), that he knew well it was the Pope who solicited his (qu. your?) Majesty about it, but that if he was well informed he would find that immediately after the Admiral had left ill content with the last meeting at Calais there were others who solicited the same declarations. I did not cease to beg the King to put all this aside, urging that if there had been in the past any ill understanding so much the more earnest should be the good offices; and I quoted certain authorities and histories serving to this purpose. I afterwards told the King that since he would not give me a more formal answer I begged him to write to his ambassador with your Majesty. He remained some time without knowing what to reply, but afterwards said that if I wished it he was willing to do it, but in that case he held the said reply as not given; and then immediately afterwards said to me that his ambassador was not fit for this, and that I must have the honor since I had made the beginning. The Chancellor and Cromwell appeared to regret these answers, and in spite of the King's gestures (bonnes mynes) to them that they should applaud him, neither of them would say three words. The conclusion was that he would next day look over the treaties he had with your Majesty, and inform me of what they determined. At this slender and provoking reply, after compliments to the Duke of Norfolk (age 63) and others of the Council, I left the Court, and went to wait on Cromwell at the place where we met in the morning, and there we expressed our mutual regret, which was great on both sides, especially on that of Cromwell, who was hardly able to speak for sorrow, and had never been more mortified in his life than with the said reply. I suggested to him that we should suspend the other matters, and consider what could be done about the fourth point, and as to marrying the Princess;—at which he recovered his spirits, and said he had still hope of a good result. Next day, Wednesday of Easter week, the King's whole Council were assembled for three or four hours; and, as Cromwell informed me, there was not one of them but remained long on his knees before the King to beg him, for the honor of God, not to lose so good an opportunity of establishing a friendship so necessary and advantageous; but they had not been able to change his opinion, and that he would sooner suffer all the ills in the world than confess tacitly or expressly that he had done you any injury, or that he desired this friendship, but that if asked for it in good form, as he had said, he would be content. Today, Thursday, Cromwell reported the above to me, and thanked me on the part of the King for the good office I had done, begging me on his part also to continue till the establishment of this friendship was achieved, and that afterwards all the other points would be disposed of to your Majesty's satisfaction; and begged, for the honor of God, that I would at least obtain a letter of credence addressed to the King, saying that the King would liberally acknowledge my trouble. Moreover, he has given me to understand that he told the King his master that if he had known what has taken place in this affair, he would not have meddled with it for all the gold in England, and that henceforth he would not treat with ambassadors without having a colleagne; telling me also that although he had always pretended that what he said to me was of his own suggestion, yet he had neither said nor done anything without express command from the King. On my asking him what could have made this variation in the King's will, he said he could not imagine what spirit it was, and that at least I had given him no occasion, for the King himself was satisfied with the moderate language I had used; and he concluded that princes have spirits or properties which are hidden and unknown to all others. By which conversations Cromwell showed covertly his dissatisfaction at the strange contradictions of his master. He also told me that the King was writing to his ambassadors in France to desire the French king to desist from his enterprises, and that he had spoken of it yesterday also to the French ambassador, who, as the said Cromwell told me, came back yesterday from Court as mortified as I was the day before.

Letters and Papers. 21st April 1536. Vienna Archives. 699. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Perceiving by this conversation that the King's affection was not sincere, I did not enter further into business, but only asked him if the king of France were to break or attempt to break any other article touching the duke of Gueldres or other matters, whether he would not aid your Majesty according to the treaties. He replied that, so far as he found himself bound, he would acquit himself better than several others had done towards him; and as to the rest, in which he was not bound, he would give satisfaction as occasion was given to him. Returning to the subject of the war against the duke of Savoy, he wished me to understand, notwithstanding that I had told him what you had written to me, that the said war was not against the will of your Majesty, and also that the duke of Savoy had lately offered to come to the court of France, "sur quoy ne resta a luy donner assez raisons a lopposite." After this he called the Chancellor and Cromwell, and made me repeat before them what I had said to him, which I did succinctly, without interruption from him or the others. After which they talked together, while I conversed and made some acquaintance with the brother (age 36) of the young lady [Jane Seymour (age 27)] to whom the King is now attached, always keeping an eye upon the gestures of the King and those with him. There seemed to be some dispute and considerable anger, as I thought, between the King and Cromwell; and after a considerable time Cromwell grumbling (recomplant (?) et grondissant) left the conference in the window where the King was, excusing himself that he was so very thirsty (altere) that he was quite exhausted, as he really was with pure vexation (de pur enuyt), and sat down upon a coffer out of sight of the King, where he sent for something to drink. Shortly afterwards the King came out of the conclave, I know not whether to come near me, or to see where Cromwell was. He told me that the matters proposed were so important that without having my propositions in writing he could not communicate them to his Council or make me any reply. I told him that I was not forbidden to do so, but I could not venture, for several reasons, and I thought it a new thing, seeing that hitherto he had not asked anything of me by way of writing, and had never found me variable or vacillating, either now or before, and that I had learned from his ambassadors whom he sent to Bologna to your Majesty to make such refusal, although they had not such good reason for it as I; also I had taken example of Cromwell, who had never given me anything in writing; and if he wished such writing to be assured that there was no dissimulation on your Majesty's part, I would offer my ears, which I would give far more unwillingly than all the writings in the world, if there should be any deceit on the side of your Majesty;—with which conversation, as Cromwell told me afterwards, the King was far better assured than before, taking this offer in good part. Nevertheless, he insisted wonderfully on having the said writing, and said several times very obstinately that he would give no reply. Nevertheless, he did reply, confusedly and in anger, to the following effect:—(1.) The affair of the Pope did not concern your Majesty, if you did not wish to meddle with it to vindicate your authority over the whole world, and if he wished to treat with His Holiness he has means and friends without needing your intercession. (2.) Concerning the Princess she was his daughter, and he would treat her according as she obeyed him or not, and no one else had a right to interfere. (3.) As to the subvention against the Turk, it was necessary first to re-establish old friendship before putting people to expense. (4.) As to the fourth, which was most urgent, and which I have chiefly pressed, he said he would not violate any promise he has made, or refuse the friendship of any one who desired it, provided it was such as was becoming, but that he was no longer a child, and that they must not give him the stick, and then caress him, appealing to him and begging him. In saying this, to show how he was experienced in business, he began playing with his fingers on his knees, and doing as if he were calling a child to pacify it, [and said] that before asking an injured person for favor and aid it was necessary to acknowledge old favors. And on my saying that we had been so long treating of this re-establishment, and I had pressed for an overture of what he wished to be done, but to no purpose, he answered that it was not for him to make an overture, but for those who sought him. I replied that if he who was hurt did not show his wound it was impossible to heal it. He then said he wished your Majesty would write to him, [desiring] that if there had been in the past any ingratitude or error on your part towards him, he would forget it, [and] requesting him to show that the root of old amity is not disturbed. I told him this was not reasonable, and he moderated the proposal, suggesting that you should request him not to speak any more of the past. I said no other letter was needed, because I asked it of him in the name of your Majesty; but he persisted that he must have letters, and it was no use reminding him of what he has several times said to me before, that delay is the ruin of all good works.

Letters and Papers. 21st April 1536. Vienna Archives. 699. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

On coming to Court I was most cordially received by all the Lords of the Council, who congratulated me on the happy news, praising greatly the good service they presumed that I had done,—especially Lord Rochford (age 33), the Concubine's (age 35) brother, to whom I said that I did not doubt that he had as great pleasure in what was taking place as any other, and that he would assist as in a matter for the benefit of the whole world, but especially of himself and his friends. He showed me "fort grosse chiere," and I dissembled in the same way with him, avoiding all occasions of entering into Lutheran discussions, from which he could not refrain.

Before the King went out to mass Cromwell came to me on his part to ask if I would not go and visit and kiss the Concubine, which would be doing a pleasure to this King; nevertheless, he left it to me. I told him that for a long time my will had been slave to that of the King, and that to serve him it was enough to command me; but that I thought, for several reasons, which I would tell the King another time, such a visit would not be advisable, and I begged Cromwell to excuse it, and dissuade the said visit in order not to spoil matters. Immediately afterwards Cromwell came to tell me that the King had taken it all in good part, hoping that hereafter "lon y supplyeroit assez," and he immediately added that after dinner I should speak with the King at leisure, and that on leaving him, agreeably to their custom, I ought to see those of the Council and explain my charge. I told him that I thought things were so honorable and reasonable, and had been foreseen so long, that I thought the King would make up his mind immediately; and if not, he to whom my credence was addressed would make a far better report to the Council than I could; nevertheless, that till I had heard part of the King's will, I could neither promise to go, nor not to go, to the said Council, though I meant to speak particularly to all, and do all that they would counsel me. Just after this the King came out and gave me a very kind reception, holding for some time his bonnet in his hand, and not allowing me to be uncovered longer than himself; and after asking how I was, and telling me that I was very welcome, he inquired of the good health of your Majesty and showed himself very glad to hear good news. He then asked where you were, and on my telling him that the courier had left you near Rome, he said that by the date of your Majesty's letters to his Secretary it appeared that you were at Gaeta when the courier left. Hereupon he asked if you would stay long at Rome, and on my telling him that I thought not, unless your Majesty could gratify him by a long delay, for which purpose I was sure you would make no difficulty either in remaining or doing anything else that you could on his account, he said he thought it would have been better for your interests not to have come so soon to Rome, but to have staid in Naples, so as to afford a bait to those who needed it to involve themselves further in the meshes. I said that there was still time enough to use such dissimulation, and that I was sure you would in this and other matters be glad to follow his counsel as that of a very old friend, good brother, and, as it were, a father, as he might understand by what I should tell him hereafter more at leisure. On this he said, Well, we should have leisure to discuss all matters. I was conducted to mass by Lord Rochford, the concubine's brother, and when the King came to the offering there was a great concourse of people partly to see how the concubine and I behaved to each other. She was courteous enough, for when I was behind the door by which she entered, she returned, merely to do me reverence as I did to her. After mass the King went to dine at the concubine's lodging, whither everybody accompanied him except myself, who was conducted by Rochford to the King's Chamber of Presence, and dined there with all the principal men of the Court. I am told the concubine asked the King why I did not enter there as the other ambassadors did, and the King replied that it was not without good reason. Nevertheless, I am told by one who heard her, the said concubine after dinner said that it was a great shame in the king of France to treat his uncle, the duke of Savoy, as he did, and to make war against Milan so as to break the enterprise against the Turks; and that it really seemed that the king of France, weary of his life on account of his illnesses, wished by war to put an end to his days. As soon as the King had dined, he, in passing by where I was, made me the same caress as in the morning, and, taking me by the hand, led me into his chamber, whither only the Chancellor and Cromwell followed. He took me apart to a window. I reminded him of several conversations which Cromwell and I had had, and also of those of your ambassador in France with Wallop, and also of the old affection your Majesty had borne him, and began to declare your will touching the four points, taking the utmost care to speak as gently as possible, that he might not find grounds of quarrel or irritation. He heard me patiently and without interruption, till at last, on my saying that your Majesty, desirous above all things of the peace of Christendom, had forborne your claim to Burgundy, which you might demand by a much better title than the invaders of Savoy and Milan, he answered that Milan belonged to the king of France, and the duchy of Burgundy also, for you had renounced it by the treaty of Cambray, which qualified the unreasonable conditions of that of Madrid, and that even if Milan had now come to your hands the defensive treaties comprehended only the lordships possessed at the time they were passed. I showed him, but not without difficulty, that he was illinformed about your rights to Milan and Burgundy, and also that when those treaties were made you were the lawful Lord of Milan, and he who held it was only feudatory, after whose death the duchy was not newly acquired by your Majesty, but had only been consolidated; which argument, as Cromwell informs me, has since been weighed and approved by the King and his Council.

Letters and Papers. 21st April 1536. Vienna Archives. 699. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

As to the third point, he replied fully and liberally as he had done before. When we came to the fourth, he declared the King his master was very much disgusted at the inhumanity the French king had shown to the duke of Savoy, and blamed the enterprise Francis made upon Milan as rash and illconsidered, and in violation of treaties. He said the King had written to this effect to Francis; but I do not know how to believe it, for when I spoke with the King himself, praising him for having done such a good office, I found him vacillate, telling me at one time that he had warned the king of France, and at another that it was not a matter for him to trouble himself with. And Cromwell told me that if I wished it his master would send some good personage to the king of France to warn him to desist from the said enterprise, otherwise he would consider himself bound to fulfil his treaties with your Majesty. I accepted the offer at once, and begged him as earnestly as possible to pre-occupy this point before I talked with the King about it; which he promised to do. Hereupon Cromwell began to repeat the great inclination which all the Council without exception had to the establishment of this friendship, and the little affection they bear to France, insomuch that only a few days ago they unanimously told the King he must not suppose there was any of them who had the slightest affection to France, except so far as they saw him inclined that way, and that, except out of regard for him, they had more esteem for the least hair of your Majesty's head than for Francis and all his people.

Cromwell gave me to understand that the King his master held the French army as broken, seeing the great power of your Majesty, and that if he were in your place he would stay some time about Rome and dissemble matters, so as to give the Frenchmen an opportunity of entering Italy further with their power and riches, in order to give them the more effectual beating. Cromwell, then, among other reproaches which he threw at the French, touched upon the ambassador Francis had with the Turks; and, from one thing to another, getting warm upon the subject, he said he was not accustomed to conceal anything, and would tell me of a wickedness as great as could be conceived; and, entering his chamber, he produced a letter stating that the Turk had given a great reception to La Forestz, the ambassador of France, and a treaty had already been made between the Turk and him in his master's name, and that if this were so Henry would not cease to make or procure war against Francis, even to his total destruction; and since Francis so inhumanly made war against the duke of Savoy, his own uncle, without any just title, what would he not do against them from whom he could obtain much more profit, if only they had power to invade them? And Cromwell was convinced that if the French had as much power to injure England as as the English have to injure France they would not let them rest, and now that they saw their neighbour's house burning they ought to have some fear for their own; and assuredly, as I told him, it was time, before the effects of the understanding with the Turk proceeded further, to apply a remedy, and the King his master ought not to lose such an opportunity of doing at once a great service to God, a service to Christendom, and a pleasure to such a friend as your Majesty. Cromwell also thought he would not, and has no doubt that Francis only aims at Milan, to obtain which he would refuse no conditions your Majesty would demand. I do not write the means and observations by which I drew him to say these things, only he could not make profit out of anything I said to him. He replied to me several times that he never heard more agreeable news, and that I could not have done him so great pleasure by giving him 20 (sic), for the news had come in good time before the arrival of any man from France, and that although he had not intended to go to Court for three days, he would go there as early as possible. In the end, I informed him of the answer the Queen had made to me about the release of the two Germans¹ detained in Flanders, but he would hardly listen to it, saying it was a matter of no moment, and that it must not be mixed up with this, on which depended all other things. Nevertheless, three days before he had spoken of it haughtily enough to a servant of mine.

Note 1. See Nos. 541 and 718.

Letters and Papers. 21st April 1536. Vienna Archives. 699. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Having sat up all night on Easter Eve to decipher the said letters of the 28th ult., I went to Cromwell on Easter Day after dinner at a very fine house the King has given him well furnished, three leagues from here; and before mentioning the news I had received from your Majesty, or the letters addressed to himself, I reminded him of the communications we had several times had upon the establishment of peace and amity, especially on the eve of St. Matthias; and finding him firm, and as determined as ever to complete things begun, declaring also, of himself, the indignation he felt against the French, I presented to him the letters of your Majesty, which he kissed and received with great reverence, replying several times that he knew not how he could deserve your Majesty's great kindness in having deigued to write to him who was only "un petit compagnon." I then declared to Cromwell your intention upon the four points contained in the letters. As to the first, he made greater difficulty than before, saying the injury done to his master by the Holy See was so recent, and the constitutions having just been made which the King had promulgated against the said See, it would be very difficult to bring the King back, but that if the amity between your Majesty and the King were consolidated you would have in process of time greater influence to persuade his master to this reconciliation. He said further that the Pope on his side, with inconstancy enough, solicited the King's friendship, and that very lately the Pope's son had requested some great personage of the Court of Rome to write to Cromwell that, for the honor of God, he would take the matter in hand, and that this King would find the Pope very willing to satisfy him as far as possible. The Pope's son had also said that if the King would not listen to this, his Holiness would be compelled to abandon the friendship of the king of France. And hereupon Cromwell sent for the secretary who had the letters to this effect, to show me them; but he was not at home; at which Cromwell was very much displeased, telling me, as he did five days later, that he wished by all means that I should see the said letters. Hereupon I asked Cromwell how he understood that the Pope, failing of the reconciliation of the King his master, would leave the friendship of the king of France; saying that did not appear to me probable, but, on the contrary, His Holiness having lost the obedience here ought to be the more anxious to preserve the friendship of France, both to avoid alienating that kingdom, and to obtain assistance from it for the remedy of affairs here. This I said to him, fearing that this King, who is credulous enough in matters agreeable to himself, would give faith to the said words, and show himself less inclined to the said reconciliation, supposing that if the Pope abandoned France he would get the French king to support his new opinions, and would make use of him as he pleased. Cromwell only answered that he did not know how these words were to be understood, but so the letters contained, which I should see. I fancy the Pope's son intended to hint that his Holiness forbore to make a league with your Majesty, and was showing himself partial to France, upon an intimation given to him by France that it was in their power to bring back this King into obedience to the Apostolic See. I expressed myself very glad that such honorable offers had been made to the King his master, and said the King could not wish for anything more honorable than that, after having done what pleased himself in despite of those whom he need not name, he should now be so humanely desired by his Holiness and your Majesty for a thing so just and necessary for the discharge of his conscience and the tranquillity not only of this kingdom but of all Christendom. By this means, the troubles of Christendom would be appeased, and its forces directed elsewhere, and the King might boast of being father of his country, and even of having triumphed over his Holiness and your Majesty, who came to him half as suppliants for the said reconciliation. Cromwell confessed it was all true, and hoped every thing would be settled in time, and meanwhile he would promote the matter to the utmost of his power. As to the second point, touching the Princess, he said the King would certainly act like a good father and a virtuous prince, but as it was a matter that depended upon the King's honor it was not a subject for express stipulation; the King was only waiting for an opportunity to show the affection he bore the Princess; nevertheless he would not forbear to make all suitable representations to the King his master, and what could not be done at present could be easily achieved when the amity was established.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 21st April 1536. Wien. Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229½, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

Accordingly, on Tuesday morning, I left for a house which I hire between London and Greenwich, and where Cromwell, coming from one he has in the neighbourhood, met me, and fully confirmed the message he had sent me on the previous day. Among other things I said to him, one was that I again prayed him, as I had done the day before, not only to work with me for the success of the affair, but likewise to instruct and guide me as to what I ought to say to the King, what I ought to do and solicit, and against whom. I said that Your Majesty trusted in him fully, and that he ought to consider what honour it would be for himself to contribute to the good issue of the affair in hand, so important to public welfare. Cromwell's answer was, that although he thought I had no need of such advice, he would, nevertheless, tell me his opinion, for me to make such use of it as my discretion might dictate.

At Court I had from the Privy Councillors and other lords such a cordial and honourable reception that nothing better could be wished for, all and every one of them coming up to congratulate one upon the prosperous news just received, praising, above all things, the good offices which they presumed I had rendered, for the accomplishment of so desirable a work. The concubine's brother, lord Rochefort (age 33), among the rest, signalised himself most particularly by his hearty congratulations. I could not help hinting to him that I had no doubt he was as much pleased as any other of the King's courtiers at the favorable prospect of affairs, and believed he would co-operate as well as the rest to ensure the success of one which could not fail to be beneficial to the community at large, and especially to himself and family. Rochefort seemed particularly pleased at this hint of mine, and I myself dissembled as 'much as I could, avoiding all occasion of entering into conversation with him or discussing his Lutheran principles, of which he is so proud that he cannot abstain from boasting of them in public.

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 21st April 1536. Wien. Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229½, 1–4. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

In fulfilment of the commands and instructions contained in the latter, I at once wrote to the Princess what seemed to me most advisable under the circumstances; but, as Your Majesty must since have received several despatches of mine, giving an account of the situation of affairs here, and as nothing, moreover, has happened since that time to alter my views concerning the negociations now pending, I will not trouble Your Majesty with a repetition of my own sentiments in that respect There only remains for me to give my opinion as to what ought and might be stipulated in favour of the Princess in case of Your Majesty coming to treat with the French; yet as in the event of the latter agreeing to some of the articles specified in Your Majesty's letter of the 11th my own opinion and advice would hardly be required, I will also abstain from giving it here until I hear what the real intentions of the French are.

The night of the day on which Your Majesty's letter of the 28th came to hand, was entirely spent in deciphering its contents, which being done, on Easter Day, after dinner, I went to call on Master Cromwell at a very fine house, which the King has presented him with, completely furnished, three leagues from this city. Before communicating the news received from Your Majesty, or showing the letters I had for him, I reminded him of our frequent conversations with respect to mutual friendship and amity, and especially of our conference on the eve of St. Mathias. Finding him as firm and constant as ever in his purpose, and as determined to bring the negotiation to an issue; hearing from his own lips, and without any allusion on my part, that his indignation at French behaviour had lately increased, I did not hesitate to hand over to him Your Majesty's letter, which he kissed and received most reverently, assuring me over and over again that he really knew not how to acknowledge the immense favour and honour you did him by deigning to write to such an insignificant person as he was.

Having thus fully declared to him what Your Majesty's views and intentions were respecting the four points, as contained in your last letter, I found the secretary more opposed than ever he was on the first point, and raising much greater difficulties, objecting, among other things, that the offence given to his master, the King, by the Apostolic See was so fresh, and the statutes promulgated against him so recent, that it would be very difficult, not to say impossible, to undo suddenly what had been done so deliberately; but that, nevertheless the friendship between Your Majesty and this King once consolidated, you might in time have greater authority and credit to persuade his master to a reconciliation with the Apostolic See. On the other hand, observed Cromwell, "the Pope is doing all he can to bring about that reconciliation. Not many days ago his son requested a great personage of the Roman Court to write me a letter, to say that for the honor of God he (Farnese) intended to take the affair in hand, and that should the King, my master, feel inclined, to treat, he would find the Pope disposed to gratify and please him as much as he possibly could. The, Pope's son further said to him, that should the King refuse to listen to his proposals, His Holiness would be obliged to give up altogether the friendship of France." After these words, Cromwell sent for the secretary, who had the said letter in his keeping, that he might show it to me. The secretary, however, happened not to be in the office, at which Cromwell was much displeased and disappointed, telling me, as he again did the day after, which was the 10th, that he wished me above all things to see and read the letters he had received from Rome, which would he sent to me for inspection. However, having asked him what the writer of that letter meant by saying that should king Henry refuse to listen to his overtures, he (the Pope) would be obliged to forsake the friendship of France, Cromwell at first gave some sort of evasive answer. I insisted and said that it seemed to me highly improbable that the Pope, having already lost the obedience of the, English, should be so careless of French friendship as to run the risk not only of alienating that kingdom, but also of losing its co-operation in any plan he might have conceived for the restoration of his authority. This I said to Cromwell for fear this king, who is credulous enough in all matters that are agreeable to him, should attach faith to the words of the letter, and incline to the said reconciliation under the impression that were the Pope to lose the friendship of the French, he himself might prevail on Francis to adhere to his opinion on religious matters, and make use of him at will. To this last argument of mine Cromwell made no reply, save say to that he really could not understand what was meant by those words; and yet, said he, they were in the letter, as I should soon have occasion to see. My own interpretation of this curious enigma is that the Pope's son, as I fancy, wishes to imply tacitly that His Holiness has hitherto abstained from making a league with Your Majesty, and has rather shown partiality towards Francis through the latterhinting to him that it was in his power to make king Henry return to the obedience of the Holy Apostolic See.

I did not fail on this occasion to appear exceedingly glad that such gracious, humane, and honourable offers had been made. I told Cromwell that it seemed to me as if the King, his master, could not expect more, after their doing his pleasure in all matters, than to be kindly solicited and requested by those very parties whom he had mostly offended—namely, His Holiness and Your Majesty—to acquiesce in so just and necessary a demand for the discharge of his (the Kings) conscience, and the tranquillity, not only of his own kingdom, but of all Christendom at large. By which means the troubles and commotions now afflicting Christendom would be appeased, and its forces turned against the infidel, in doing which, I added, the King could really boast of being pater patriæ et pacis, and the conqueror both of His Holiness and of Your Majesty, since they had actually come to beg and entreat him for a reconciliation.

After these and other similar representations, which Cromwell confessed were quite true, he added that he sincerely hoped all would be set right in time, and that for the present he would continue to work strenuously in promoting the said affair, and would not let any opportunity slip of bringing it before his master.

Respecting the second point, which related exclusively to the Princess, Cromwell said that there could be no doubt that the King would behave towards her as the virtuous and magnanimous prince and father that he was; but that being a thing which depended entirely upon the King's own good feeling, it was not an article to be included in the treaty, nor one to which the King ought to be compelled to agree; it should be left entirely to his own discretion. The King, he said, was only waiting for some opportunity to show the affection he bore to the Princess; he (Cromwell) had made, and was still making, every possible and fit representation to him on the subject, and what could not be done immediately would be accomplished whenever the said friendship was fairly established.

With regard to the third point, Cromwell answered as fully and liberally as he had done on a former occasion.

He assured me, with regard to the fourth, that the King, his master, disapproved highly of Francis' inhuman behavior towards Monseigneur de Savoie, and described his undertaking against Milan, in spite of sworn treaties, as highly inconsiderate and wild. The conduct of the French in Italy, the King had remarked, would bring shame and discredit upon them, besides alarming all the princes and powers in Christendom. The King, his master, Cromwell assured me, had written this much to Francis. Notwithstanding the secretary's last asseveration, I do not know what to believe of all this, for happening to speak twice to the King on the subject, praising him on both occasions for his views of the affair, and for the letter he had written to Francis, I found him rather vacillating and irresolute, telling me, in the first instance, that he had actually written blaming the conduct of the Most Christian, and then again that those were matters with which he did not intend to meddle. And as Cromwell himself now said that, if I desired it, the King, his master, would dispatch a personage of his court to France, to tell the Most Christian to desist at once from his enterprises in Italy and elsewhere, against the letter of existing treaties, as otherwise he (Henry) would be obliged to adhere closely to those he had with Your Majesty, I had very good reasons to disbelieve Cromwell's former statement. However this may be, I took no notice of it, accepted gladly the offer made, and earnestly requested Cromwell to do his utmost towards gaining that point, and preparing the King for my next interview with him, which he faithfully promised.

This being settled, Cromwell began again to descant on the determination of the members of the Privy Council, without a single exception, to establish the said friendship, as well as on the little affection they professed for France, so much so, he said, that for some days past all and each of them in particular have been unanimous in telling the King that not one of them is now in favour of the French, but would openly declare against them were they not aware that he (the King) still clings to their King. Were it not for that consideration the Privy Councillors (added Cromwell) would not hesitate to declare that they cared more for one single hair of Your Majesty's head than for king Francis and all his people put together. Cromwell then hinted that the King, his master, already considered the French army as defeated and broken up, owing to Your Majesty's superior military power, and that if he (the King) were in your place, he would remain longer in the neighbourhood of Rome and dissemble, thus allowing the French to penetrate further into Italy with their armies, and then and there fall suddenly upon them and prevent their doing further mischief.

Among other opprobrious things which Cromwell said of the French on this occasion, one was that king Francis has now an ambassador residing at the court of the Grand Turk. As a proof thereof he said to me:—"I am not in the habit of concealing from you news tending to increase our mutual confidence, and therefore I will disclose to you a wickedness (merchanterie) of the French, such as you yourself have no idea of" Upon which he went into his private chamber and brought out a letter, which he showed to me, stating that the Turk at Constantinople had feasted and entertained very handsomely the French ambassador, who had already concluded in his master's name a treaty of defensive and offensive alliance with him. "If the report be true" added Cromwell, "the King, my master, will not cease to incite, or make war against the king of France until his total ruin;" for since he has so cruelly and unjustly attacked his own uncle, Monseigneur de Savoie, what can be expected of him with regard to those princes of whom he might better make his profit, especially if he knew that they could, if they chose, invade his kingdom In saying which, Cromwell no doubt meant that had the French as much power of doing harm to England, as the English now have of harming France, they would not leave them alone, but that seeing the house of their neighbour on fire they wished to take care of their own first. He then added that certainly this was the time, as I had told him, before the effects of French alliance with the Turk were felt [in Europe], to apply a remedy to the evil. "The King, my master (Cromwell said), ought on no account to let the opportunity slip of rendering such a signal service to God and Christendom, and such a pleasure to so good, a friend of En gland as the Emperor is. That opportunity, I fancy, the King, my master, will not let pass; all Francis' pretensions are evidently centred on Milan, to obtain which he would readily grant anything that was demanded of him, without refusing any of the conditions imposed." To avoid prolixity, I will say nothing about the means and suggestions of which I have made use to engage Cromwell to work on the above lines; suffice it to say that I am confident that he cannot take any unfair advantage of what I have told him.

Upon the whole, Cromwell repeated to me many a time that the news I had imparted could not be more agreeable than they were; I could not have afforded him greater pleasure by giving him 25,000 crs. in money than by communicating the said information. It had arrived just at the fit time, before the arrival of the gentleman who was shortly to return from France, and that, although he himself had determined not to go to Court for the next three days, he would certainly go as early as he could for the purpose of announcing the news to his master.

At the end of our interview I informed him of the answer that the queen regent of Flanders had sent respecting the release of the two Germans detained there; but scarcely would he attend to my excuses, saying that it was an affair of no importance at all, and that there was no need for mixing it up with the principal one, on which all the others depended; although it must be said that only three days before he had spoken to one of my men in very haughty and irritating terms.

I was hardly in the saddle to return home than Cromwell sent one of his clerks to inform the King in all haste that I was the bearer of wonderfully pleasing news. Next day, which was Easter Monday, Cromwell himself went to Court, before the King's levee, and in the afternoon of that day sent me word that he had shown Your Majesty's letter to the King, and literally recited all our conversation. The King had heard the account with pleasure, and desired that I should appear at Court on the following Tuesday, at about 10 o'clock in the morning, where I should be welcome, and get such an answer as would greatly please me.

Letters and Papers. 21st April 1536. Vienna Archives. 699. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

One of the greatest disappointments I have suffered has been not being able to effect (exploicter) in this matter what your Majesty desires. Greater vigilance and dexterity could not have been used than has been done. I have forborne to write it all, fearing that what I write is already too long, and I beg you to excuse me that I have not been able to do better.—Suggests that if the Emperor, weary of pursuing matters with the English, thinks it expedient to treat with the French, the whole matter should be brought forward by means of the Pope, as they have to do with men of little faith, and that the king of France should promise to obey the commands of the Holy See, especially about the matrimonial sentence and its consequences; and it should be said that if, in consequence of this King's obstinacy, it be necessary to proceed to the promulgation of the bull depriving him of his kingdom, that the right to the kingdom is entirely reserved to the Princess, so that she may not lose the pension and claim of France; and it would be necessary, to give greater occasion to see to the preservation of her life, to arrange something in favor of the lawful successors, or the assistance to your Majesty in the pursuit of her quarrels; and though I think your Majesty would not listen to it, it should be expressly said that neither you nor the said King shall regard as lawful any issue that this King may have of his concubine (age 35), nor of any other wife during her life; which agreement is in conformity with the sentence and with law, unless the Pope dispenses with it, and it would be necessary at once to constrain the Pope not to give such a dispensation; and I think that if this King heard that a part of this had been arranged he would suddenly come to his senses without waiting for the said force to be applied. If your Majesty thinks the matter should be pursued here, it could not but do good to thank the Chancellor and the Duke of Norfolk (age 63) by letter for their good will, begging them to continue.

Letters and Papers. 24th April 1536. Vienna Archives. 720. Chapuys (age 46) to [Granvelle].

This very moment when the courier was about to mount I have been informed of his departure, and having already written pretty fully, I shall say little now. I forgot in my last to make answer about the intentions of those here with regard to the Council. They have made no formal reply, only saying that they would not disturb such a good thing, or cut themselves off from the number of Christians, but they conclude that such a Council must be convoked by the Emperor. Does not think they want one. Thinks the news of an arrangement between the Emperor and the king of France has thrown them into great confusion, and compelled them to dispatch this courier; because previously they cared nothing, and would not have written even to their ambassador if Chapuys had not urged them, which he very soon afterwards repented, for he would have dispatched the courier two days sooner without waiting for their letters. Yesterday the French ambassador was long at Court, and Chapuys has not been able yet to discover what he was negociating. The King also sent for the late Queen's physician, and told him he would have called him sooner but for fear of its being insinuated that there had been some intrigue to put the Queen to death. The King said he wished to make use of him, and thought that I would consent willingly, and get the Emperor to agree to it, otherwise he would not take him into his service, and that the means to get the Emperor and me to agree to it was to give out that he was retained for the Princess, with whom he would be left till all suspicions and murmurs had died out. And hereupon the King began to speak very well of me, and asked the physician two or three times if he had not spoken with me since Easter Tuesday when I was with him. I think he wished to find out what was in my mind after his brusque replies. Although I would not kiss or speak to the Concubine (age 35), the Princess and other good persons have been somewhat jealous at the mutual reverences required by politeness which were done at the church. I refused to visit her until I had spoken to the King. If I had seen any hope from the King's answer I would have offered not two but 100 candles to the shedevil, although another thing made me unwilling, viz., that I was told she was not in favor with the King; besides, Cromwell was quite of my opinion that I should do well to wait till I had spoken to the King. Even before receiving instructions from the Emperor, has always avoided "l'envoy" which the Princess urged, as again she has since done, for the reasons which he has heretofore written¹. London, 24 April 1536. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.

Note 1. "Sans quil eust pleu a sa matc me faire aduertir dexcuser lenvoy, dont la Princesse me sollicitoit comme encoires elle a depuis fait je nen (qu. m'en?) avoye garde, et continuellement luy ay satisfait des raisons que jay cy devant escriptes."

Calendar of State Papers of Spain. 29th April 1536. Wien, Rep. P.C., Fasc. 229¼. Eustace Chapuys (age 46) to the Emperor (age 36).

The day after the departure of Guadaluppe, the courier, this king sent for the French ambassador, and there was at Court (Greenwich) a meeting of the Privy Council; at which—if the report of a personage most intimate with that ambassador, and who knows all his secrets, is to be credited—the King begged him to go post to his master, the Most Christian King, on certain business which he explained. The ambassador accepted the proposed mission, and began next day to make preparations for departure. When everything was ready, the ambassador again went to Court on Tuesday to receive his last instructions; it happened, however, that the Privy Councillors, who had been assembled since that morning, till 9 or 10 o'clock at night, could not come to a resolution as to the message the Frenchman was to take to his master, and, therefore, the interview was postponed until the day before yesterday, which was Thursday. However, just when the ambassador was about to depart, a note was handed over to him containing new matter so different from the verbal instructions he had previously received that he actually refused to go on such an errand, and sent yesterday an ordinary courier with the note. I have not yet been able to ascertain what they are about, but I fancy that these English are trying, if possible, to prevent peace being concluded between Your Majesty and, the French; for ever since they heard there was some chance of it, they have been much bewildered and confused.

As I hear from all quarters—and I myself have been able to verify to a certain extent—this king has issued orders for all preachers in his kingdom to abstain for the present from all remarks on the new religious opinions concerning ritual and church ceremonies, and to preach entirely according to the old custom, save, however, on such points as the primacy and Papal authority, which he will in no wise allow; since he pretends by Divine authority and the decisions of his Parliament to be spiritual as well as temporal lord in his kingdom. And although he (the King) admits, as he did before, that there is a Purgatory, or at least a third place besides Paradise and Hell, and owns that prayers and suffrages help the dead, he, nevertheless, goes on destroying and pulling down monasteries, as I have lately informed Your Majesty, and usurping these many pious foundations for the redemption of the souls of the dead.

The Grand Esquire, Master Caro (Carew) (age 40), was on St. George's Day invested with the Order of the Garter, in the room of Mr. De Bourgain, who died some time ago. This has been a source of great disappointment and sorrow for lord Rochefort (age 33), who wanted it for himself, and still more for the concubine (age 35), who has not had sufficient credit to get her own brother knighted. In fact, it will not be Carew's fault if the aforesaid concubine, though a cousin of his, is not overthrown (desarçonee) one of these days, for I hear that he is daily conspiring against her, and trying to persuade Miss Seymour (age 27) and her friends to accomplish her ruin¹. Indeed, only four days ago the said Carew and certain gentlemen of the Kings chamber sent word to the Princess to take courage, for very shortly her rival would be dismissed, the King being so tired of the said concubine that he could not bear her any longer. Besides which, Montagu's brother said to me yesterday, at dinner, that the day before the bishop of London had been questioned [by some courtier] as to whether the King could or could not abandon the said concubine, and that the bishop had refused to give an opinion on the subject unless the King himself asked him for it. Even then he would, before he answered, try and ascertain what the King's intentions were, thereby implying, no doubt, that the King in his opinion could certainly desert his concubine; but that knowing well the King's fickleness, he would not run the risk of offending her by proffering such advice. The bishop was once, it must be observed, the principal cause and instrument of this King's first divorce; he now repents of it, and would willingly be the abettor of a second one, were it for no other reason than the well-known fact of the said concubine and all her race being most abominable and rank Lutherans. — London, 29 Apr. 1536.

Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."

Addressed: "To the Emperor."

French. Original, mostly in cipher. Pp. 5.

Note 1. "Et ne tiendra au dict escuier que la dicte concubine, quelque cousine quelle luy soit, ne soit desarçonnee, et ne cesse de conseiller maistresse Semel, avec autres conspiratcurs, pour luy faire une venue (?)."

Letters and Papers. 19th May 1536. Vienna Archives. 908. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

Received on the 7th, by the English ambassador's messenger, the Emperor's letters of the 13th ult. Was unable, from a tertian fever, to visit the King, but communicated the contents to Cromwell, who expressed himself very much gratified to hear, especially with such particulars, of the continuance of the Emperor's goodwill, giving hope, as usual, of reciprocity on the part of his master, and saying that matters could not be in better train, owing to what had taken place as regards the concubine; reminding Chapuys also of what he had said to him on the eve of St. Matthias, when he had given a hint of what was going to take place. He also expressed great desire for Chapuys' recovery, that he might, after the dispatch of the Concubine and her accomplices, come to Court for business. As to the draft copy of the [bull of] privation which the French have got, I think they will make little by it as regards the English, who have been long persuaded that the Holy See was pursuing the matter in its own behalf and pressing your Majesty about it; and they are more jealous lest the French should make immediate profit out of it—by exemption from the pension and from the claims of England in France—than that your Majesty should gain anything; and the Princess, for whom you have most consideration, would be injured by it. This I must point out to Cromwell on every opportunity, as he is incessantly seeking to establish this stricter amity. For this reason, when the English ambassador's messenger on his arrival reported the sincere and perfect goodwill shown by your Majesty to his master, Cromwell sent him immediately to the King, conjuring him to declare it plainly without allowing himself to be disturbed by any appearance of a contrary feeling on the King's part. The said messenger tells me the King answered him that there was no appearance whatever of this goodwill except in words, and that these words were only because the Emperor's affairs did not succeed altogether to his wish, and he wanted the King's help, i.e. pecuniary aid; for as to the rest, however the French might disguise it, he considered your Majesty's forces incomparably greater than theirs, and considered them as already lost.

Letters and Papers. 19 May [1536]. Vienna Archives. Chapuys (age 46) to Granvelle.

Refers him for the news to his letter to the Emperor. Hopes to make amends for his present brevity by writing to him the history of the conduct of this English Messalina or Agrippina during her imprisonment. The woman who has her in charge will not conceal anything from Chapuys. She has already sent to tell him some news, among others that the said Messalina could not imagine that anyone but Chapuys had got her in disgrace with the King, for ever since he came to Court the King has regarded her with an evil eye. It is well for Chapuys she did not escape, because with her humanity she would have given him to the dogs to eat. There are still two English gentlemen¹ detained on her account, and it is suspected that there will be many more, because the King has said he believed that more than 100 had to do with her. You never saw prince nor man who made greater show of his horns or bore them more pleasantly. I leave you to imagine the cause.

Owing to my illness, and to await the last act of the story, besides that George must have informed you what was to follow, I have not hastened to write sooner. London, 18 May 1536.

Yesterday the archbishop of Canterbury declared by sentence that the Concubine's daughter was the bastard of Mr. Norris (deceased), and not the King's daughter. This already removes an obstacle in the way of the Princess, who, I hope, whatever difficulty the King has made hitherto, will be declared true heiress of the kingdom, not as born of lawful marriage, but as legitimate propter bonam fidem parentum. Others tell me that the said Archbishop had pronounced the marriage of the King and Concubine (age 35) invalid on account of the King having had connection with her sister (age 37), and that, as both parties knew of this, the good faith of the parents cannot make the said bastard legitimate. Although the matter is not much to be relied on, many think that most of the new bishops "ont davoir leur Sainct Marten," because, having persuaded the Concubine that she had no need to confess, she grew more audacious in vice; and, moreover, they persuaded her that according to the said sect it was lawful to seek aid elsewhere, even from her own relations, when her husband was not capable of satisfying her. The Concubine, before her marriage with the King, said, to increase his love, that there was a prophecy that about this time a Queen of England would be burnt, but, to please the King, she did not care. After her marriage she boasted that the previous events mentioned in the prophecy had already been accomplished, and yet she was not condemned. But they might well have said to her, as was said to Cæsar, "the Ides have come, but not gone." Has no doubt that if the Emperor intends to negociate with the English he will send some one to give greater weight to the affair, according to the letters of his Majesty; and if the said personage could negociate before the conclusion of Parliament, it would be very advantageous both for the interests of the Princess and for the rest. If he come about St. John's Day, he will probably assist at the new marriage and coronation, in which the King intends to do wonders. He has already given orders to build a vessel like the "Busentaure de Venice," to carry the lady from Greenwich hither. London, 19 May. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.

Note 1. The mutilations in the original are supplied from Burnet. Compare also Herbert, who abridges.

Letters and Papers. 6th June 1536. Vienna Archives. 1069. Chapuys (age 46) to Charles V.

On the 24th of this month, the Eve of Ascension Day, immediately on the arrival of the courier who was despatched to Pontremolo, Cromwell sent me the packet which your Majesty had forwarded to that place, begging that I would impart my news to him without delay. Shortly afterwards he sent to say that he would come and see me, but as, owing to his being so much occupied, he had failed in a like promise two days before, I, in order to put him under greater obligation, went to see him. On my arrival he told me that he had been to Court that morning, only to obtain audience for me, which the King had granted for next day. The said courier had brought letters from their ambassador, giving such news of the sincere goodwill your Majesty bore the King that Cromwell said he was better pleased than if he had gained 100,000 cr.; and he was sure I should find the King otherwise inclined than he had been before, both as regards the principal matter and also as to myself in particular, for I had greatly increased the affection he bore me on account of certain letters I had lately written to him, of which I send a copy to Grandvelle; also that by the death of the Concubine (deceased) matters would be more easily arranged now than they had been. He said it was he who had discovered and followed up the affair of the Concubine, in which he had taken a great deal of trouble, and that, owing to the displeasure and anger he had incurred upon the reply given to me by the King on the third day of Easter, he had set himself to arrange the plot (a fantasier et conspirer led. affaire), and one of the things which had roused his suspicion and made him enquire into the matter was a prognostic made in Flanders threatening the King with a conspiracy of those who were nearest his person. On this he praised greatly the sense, wit, and courage of the said Concubine and of her brother (deceased). And to declare to me further the hope of good success, he informed me in great confidence that the King, his master, knowing the desire and affection of all his people, had determined in this coming Parliament to declare the Princess (age 20) his heir; but by what he said afterwards, which I shall partly report, he left me in much greater doubt than before. For, besides requesting me in speaking to the King not to make any request on the Princess's behalf, and, if she were mentioned, not to speak of her as Princess, he also told me it was above all things necessary the Princess should write a letter to her father according to a draft that Cromwell had drawn up in the most honorable and reasonable form that could be, and that to solicit the Princess to do this he had, by the King's command, sent to her a very confidential lady; but, in any case, to avoid scruple, the King wished I would write to her, and send her one of my principal servants to persuade her to make no difficulty about writing the said letter, which he would have translated from English into Latin, that I might see that it was quite honorable. This translation he gave me next day as I left the Court; and since reading it I have not found the said Cromwell, to tell him my opinion of it, although I begged him the day before, when he spoke about it, to take care that it did not contain anything which could directly or indirectly touch her right, or the honor either of herself or of the late Queen, her mother, nor yet her conscience; otherwise she would not consent thereto for all the gold in the world, and the King's indignation against her would only be increased; and that he whom the said Princess regarded as almost a father, ought to take good care that the whole was free from danger and scruple. This, he said, he had done, as I should see by the tenor of the letter, of which I send your Majesty the very translation he delivered to me. Besides the evidence that letter contains that there is some bird catching attempted (quy y a de la traynee et pipe), this has been confirmed to me from a good quarter, and I have warned the Princess. I mean to get out of it (de me demesler) and dissemble the affair as much as I can, without speaking or writing of it till I have understood the intention of those here on the principal article of the negotiations. I shall excuse myself for not having sent to the Princess by saying that the messenger (icelluy) to whom I had committed the translation had lost it in returning from Court. When I have learned their intention I shall not fail to make the necessary remonstrances as to the unreasonableness of the letter, and seek all means possible to moderate such rigour; nevertheless your Majesty will be pleased to instruct me what to say and do in case the King insist on having the letter entirely written by the Princess, and that otherwise he means to punish her, as the lady sent by the King to the Princess has given a servant of mine to understand.

Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic Henry VIII 1547. 29 Jan. 756. Chapuys to Mary of Hungary. Spanish Calendar, viii., No. 386.

Received yesterday afternoon hers of the 27th requiring his opinion upon the two extracts sent. To deal with such a subject a wit unclouded by gout (of which he had a renewed attack two days ago) and personal consideration on the spot are requisite, for the English change continually. This she has foreseen by sending the present ambassador, who must now know them well. If the King favours these stirrers of heresy, the Earl of Hertford and Lord Admiral, which is to be feared both for the reasons given by the Ambassador and because the Queen, instigated by the Duchess of Suffolk, Countess of Hertford and the Admiral's wife, shows herself infected, words and exhortations, even in the name of the Emperor, would only make him the more obstinate to show his absolute power and independence, and might engender a coolness towards the Emperor which at present is undesirable. Nevertheless the Ambassador might, of himself, take occasion to praise his decrees promulgated some months ago for the extinction of heresy, and say that so dangerous a malady needed the ceaseless vigilance of all concerned since every case could not be brought to his (the King's) personal notice. The Ambassador might then lay before the King some of the evils of religious innovation, as he has already stated them to some of the Councillors. He might also confer with some of the Councillors, although he will hardly find any of them disposed to act against the Earl and Admiral, seeing the violent and injurious words used recently by the Earl against the Lord Chancellor and by the Admiral against Winchester. When Chapuys was last in England Winchester would have been sent to the Tower by the Earl and Admiral but for the intercession of Norfolk. To "hold a candle to the Devil," the Ambassador might, after speaking with the King, repeat his discourse to the Earl and Admiral, although their malady is incurable and they confirmed in it by their plans to obtain the government of the Prince. To gain a party they drag the whole country into this damnable error, to which there is no counteracting influence among the secular nobility except Norfolk, who has great power with the people of the North; and this seems to be the cause of his detention and that of his son, who is also called a man of great courage. Their only other obstacle is the authority of the bishops, and it is therefore to be feared that in the coming Parliament these will be divested of their property and given pensions out of the King's coffers. Hertford was taught this plan by Cromwell who, doubting his ability to reconcile the Emperor with the King, adopted heresy in order to place the whole realm against the Emperor; which before was so devoted to him that he might have done anything in favour of the Queen almost without effort. Neither French nor Scots are feared, because of the natural hatred of Englishmen to them, and since the Emperor did not attack when he had ample cause, for the advancement of the Princess, nothing that he says now will affect them (the English rulers); indeed they would turn fair words to their own profit, for, as Seneca says, Qui frigide rogat docet negare. The King's death would be more inopportune for us now than twenty years ago, and the Earl and Admiral are the only nobles of age and ability to undertake affairs. Disturbances might take place, and in these the Ambassador could use his dexterity. Will only suggest that if the King dies before the injuries of the Emperor's subjects are redressed, a ready means of both securing compensation and irritating the English against their Governors would be an embargo like that of two years ago. With this end the English merchants should be encouraged to come hither; and no doubt it would perplex the Governors, for last time the King himself was much upset by it and by the complaints of the people.

If Parliament enjoyed its ancient liberties, when it met to punish kings, a remonstrance might be addressed to Parliament; but now if St. Peter and St. Paul were to return to earth the King would not let them enter, as he once said to the writer who wished to be present when the legitimacy of the Princess Mary was under discussion. No man there dare open his mouth against the will of the King and Council. Still, no harm could be done by Granvelle addressing a remonstrance to the bp. of Winchester, to be used and amplified by the Ambassador. At present it is advisable for the Emperor to avoid action either spiritual or temporal; for doctors tell us that the Pope or other prelate should refrain from censures when such a course threatens to aggravate the malady, and physicians say that the best cure in some cases is to leave the evil untouched.

Louvain, 29 Jan. 1547.