Biography of John of Gaunt 1st Duke Lancaster 1340-1399

On 19th September 1356 the army of [his brother] Edward "Black Prince" (age 26) defeated the French and Scottish army led by King John "The Good" II of France (age 37) at the Battle of Poitiers

King John "The Good" II of France was captured by three captains including Ivon aka John Fane.

The the English army included: Bernard Brocas (age 26), Thomas Felton (age 26), James Audley (age 38), Thomas Beauchamp 11th Earl Warwick (age 43), Bartholomew "The Younger" Burghesh 2nd Baron Burghesh (age 28), Reginald Cobham 1st Baron Cobham (age 61), Edward Despencer 1st Baron Despencer, Baron Burghesh (age 21), Ralph Ferrers (age 27), William Scrope (age 31), William Montagu 2nd Earl Salisbury (age 28), Walter Paveley 4th Baron Burghesh (age 37), Robert Ufford 1st Earl Suffolk (age 58), William Ufford 2nd Earl Suffolk (age 18), John de Vere 7th Earl of Oxford (age 44), John Willoughby 3rd Baron Willoughby (age 33), Thomas Arderne (age 19), Enion Sais Brecon, John Chandos (age 36), Richard Pembridge (age 36), Jean Grailly (age 25), Robert de Fouleshurst (age 26) and John Sully (age 73)

John Savile of Shelley and Golcar (age 31) probably fought having received letters of protection to travel overseas.

Hugh Courtenay 2nd or 10th Earl Devon (age 53) protected the baggage train.

The French and Scottish army included: King John "The Good" II of France, Philip "Bold" Valois II Duke Burgundy (age 14), Jean Bourbon I Count La Marche (age 12), Archibald "Grim" Douglas 3rd Earl Douglas (age 26), [his uncle] John "Sans Terre" Artois 1st Count of Eu (age 35); all captured.

Guichard d'Angle 1st Earl Huntingdon and William Douglas 1st Earl Douglas (age 33) fought.

Peter Bourbon Duke Bourbon (age 45) was killed. His son Louis (age 19) succeeded II Duke Bourbon.

Gauthier VI Comte de Brienne (age 54) was killed.

Archaeologia Volume 22 Section XVI. The convocation at London agaynst the Duke (age 36) and Henry Percy, and of there flyght.

[March 1377] The morrow after the Londoners collyng the cytezyns together, tooke counsell uppon such demande as the day before the Lord Thomas Woodstoke and the Lord Henry Percye affyrmed did procede ofthe kyngs will and pleasure concernyng the creation of a captayn in the cyty, & of the use of the Marshalls offyce in the same, as is before declared. Besydes, of the injury that was offered to his byshop and other matters, and whilst there was longe and great ado and talke about these thyngs, there entered in the Lord Ffyzwalter,^z and the Lord Wydo de Bryon,^a whether to know there mynde, or for what other cause it is uncertayne. The commons at there fyrst comyng scarcely held there hands from beatyng them that came, and were not called for; but at last, after they had sworne that there comyng to there counsell was not for any hurt unto them or the cytye, they were suffered of the cytezyns, as well for that they themselves were cytezyns, as also had many possessions in the cytye. The Lords tooke an othe of fydelyty to be observed to the cyty & cytezyns, or els sel or let there goods to others, because now it was agreed that none of there enemyes should enjoye any tenement or rent in the cytye, therfore these lords put there hands to the booke in a hye place of the hall, the cytezyns & commons requestyng that so it myght be. The Lord Fyzwalter having gotten favor thus at the cytezyns hands, began his oration on this wyse :-Worthy Cytezyns, synce by the othe that I have presently taken, I am bound to love and obeye you, & that by my auncyent inherytance, as may appere, I ought to be your standard bearer, & one of your specyall favorers, there is none that doubt but that your losse redoundeth to myne, & the injuryes that be offered to you are in lyke sort to mee, I thought good, for that it concerns mee as well as you, to forewarn you that your lybertyes are in great daunger, & it were good that you looked more watchfully unto your selves, and whether it be with your knowledg or not, yt is for your discredyt that one should be kept in the inn of the Marshall, namely, of the Lord Henry Percye, where it is well known that the pryson ought not to be any such custodye, which if you neglygently at this tyme suffer, it may come to passe that when you wold you shall not be able to repulse or withstand the lyke chaunce with all your forces. Now therefore you ought to take counsell what is to be done in it, and see whether the remyssyon of this dede be not hereafter a thorne in your eyes, & this present presumption unpunyshed bring over you new customs to your manyfest losse & hynderance. The cytezyns, whome the comon people for the auncyent nobility of London call proceres, state they all with a shout consent, and every man cryes out that by manyfest judgement they wold condemme such injurye; nether made they any delay, but presently tooke armor, & ran with great rage to the marshall his inn; they break up the doores, brought out the prysoner, & cary away the gyves wherein his feete were bounde, entendyng to burne them in the mydst of the cytye. The Lord Percy is sought for doubtles to receyve punyshment for the injury, if he could have been founde. The armed men wander up & downe the chambers, thrustyng thorowe the bedds with there launces. The privy houses are searched, but all in vayne; ffor that daye he and the duke were to dyne with one John de Ipres, who before had bydden them; but the Londoners knew it not, for they thought that he & the duke had bene at the Savoye, & therfore with all hast, they posted thyther, but whylst these thyngs were doynge, one of the duke's soldyers seeing this, in great hast came to the place where the duke was,^b & after he had knocked rudelye, and could not get in as he wold, with great feare he sayed to Haverland, the porter, if thou love, sayth he, my lord & hys lyfe, open me the gate quycklye, with which words he gat entrye, and with great feare, scarce able to speake, he tells the duke, that without the doores were infynyte numbers of armed men, & unles he tooke heede, this day should be his last; and with his words he made the Lord Percy no less afrayd, for he opened unto hym how for his cause this comotion was made, and what they had done at his inn. They were, when [this man] he came in, standyng about there oysters, & some had eaten some of them, and others none at all. The duke, when he hard this message, thought it nothyng safe to tary any longer there, lept so hastely from his oysters, that he hurt both his leggs aganst the forme, whereby being greved, his offycers offered hym wyne, but he wold not drynke, and sayinge as it were it is fynyshed, the ungodly man fled with his felow the Lord Percy, no man following them, and, entryng the Thames, never stynted rowynge untyll they came to a house nere the maner of Kenygton, where at that tyme the prynces with the young prynce aboade, before whome (with great feare, as appeared by hys sweatynge and tremblynge) he made his complaynt of all those thyngs that had happened. The prynces hearyng there talke comforted them with such wordes as she thought best for the tyme, promysyng that she wold make a fynall end of all those matters which should be profytable to them, as they should well perceyve.

Note z. Of Walter Lord Fitzwalter (age 32) a particular account will be found in Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 220. As hereditary Constable of Castle Baynard, and Banner Bearer of London, he enjoyed very important rights and privileges in the City, which are set forth in Stow's Survey of London, Strype's edition, vol. i. p. 60.

Note . a Guy de Bryan (age 58) was, as Dugdale observes, a person of very great note in his time. He had been Standard Bearer to the King at Calais, and was afterwards employed in many important military and civil services. Baronage, vol. ii. p. 151.

Note b. This was at Ipres Inn, in St. Thomas Apostle, west of the church. William of Ipres, a Fleming, who came over to the aid of King Stephen against the Empress Maud in 1138, built this "great messuage" (as Stow calls it) near the Tower Royal, where the king "was then lodged, as in the heart of the city, for his more safety." Stow's London by Strype, b. iii. p. 8. William was created Earl of Kent by Stephen, but in the subsequent reign was forced to leave England, and died a Monk at Laon, according to Dugd. Bar. i. p. 612. But Stow says he was recalled and restored to his possessions, which remained to his descendants. John of Ipres, named in the text, was a person of sufficient importance to be appointed one of King Edward's executors. See Nichols's Royal Wills, p. 63.

Chronicle of Adam of Usk [~1352-1430]. 15th June 1381. In this rising of the commons were many great men of the land in many places beheaded. The Savoy [Map], the palace of the duke of Lancaster (age 41) and the fairest in the kingdom, standing near London on the bank of Thames, was, from the commons' hatred of the duke, utterly destroyed by them with fire; and the duke himself, for fear of them, fled into Scotland¹. To appease them and to quiet their fury, the [his nephew] king (age 14) granted that the state of villeinage, as well in their persons as in their labour, should be henceforth done away, freedom fully given, and all prisoners set at large. And this he commanded and made to be openly proclaimed throughout the counties of the kingdom. And then what a throe of grief passed through the desolated land! For they boasted that they would slay all those of higher birth, would raise up king and lords from among themselves, would stablish new laws, and, in a word, would make new, or rather - disfigure, the face and estate of the whole island. Then every man struck off the head of his enemy, and despoiled his richer neighbour. But, by the mercy of God, when their leader, being in Smithfield near London, doffed not his hood before the king nor in anything did reverence to the king's majesty, his head was deftly struck off, in the very midst of his flock of kites, by sir William Walworth, knight and citizen of London; and straightway, being raised on the point of a sword, it was shown before them. Then the commons in sore dread sought flight by stealth, and there and then casting away their rebellious weapons, as though unguilty of such riot and wickedness, like foxes into their holes, they pitifully crept home. But the king and the lords pursued them, and some they made to be dragged behind horses, some they slew with the sword, some they hanged on the gallows, some they quartered; and they destroyed thousands².

Note 1. John of Gaunt was at this time in the north, negotiating a truce with Scotland. Knighton (ij. 143-7) tells us that so unpopular was his name that his duchess was refused admission into his own castle at Pontefract [Map], and that he himself was denied hospitality by the earl of Northumberland; and that it was reported that a large force of the insurgents was sent north in pursuit of him. He retired to Edinburgh on a safe-conduct from the Scots, by whom he was well entertained.

Note 2. The severity of the punishments inflicted after the suppression of the outbreak is fully set forth in the pages of Walsingham's History. Richard, however, interfered to prevent indiscriminate slaughter of the insurgents when first beaten in the field.— Wals. Hist. Angl. (Rolls series), i. 466.

In September 1389 the Scrope vs Grosvenor Case was brought to the Court of Chivalry. Up to that time two families, Scrope and Grosvenor, had been using the armorial Scrope Arms: Azure, a bend or.

Several hundred witnesses were called including John of Gaunt 1st Duke Lancaster (age 49), Geoffrey Chaucer (age 46) and John Savile of Shelley and Golcar (age 64).

On 3rd September 1386 Owain ap Gruffudd "Glyndŵr" Mathrafal Prince Powys (age 27) gave evidence at the Church of John the Baptist, Chester [Map].

The Court decided in favour of Scrope.

Neither party was happy with the decision so [his nephew] King Richard II (age 22) was called upon to give his personal verdict.

On 27th May 1390 he confirmed that Grosvenor could not bear the undifferenced arms.

As a consequence of the case the Grosvenor has for many years used the name Bendor for horses and nicknames.

Froissart Book 4 Chapter 73. [13th January 1396]. At this period, the duke of Lancaster (age 55) married his third wife [[his wife] Katherine Swynford aka Roet Duchess Lancaster (age 45)], the daughter of a Hainault knight, called sir Paon de Ruet: he had formerly been one of the knights to the good and noble queen [his mother] Philippa of England, who much loved the Hainaulters, as she was herself of that country.

This lady whom the duke of Lancaster married was called Catherine, and in her youth had been of the household of the duchess [his former wife] Blanche of Lancaster. Before the lady Blanche's death, and even when the duke was married to his second wife [his former wife] Constance, the daughter of don Pedro, he cohabited with the lady Catherine de Ruet, who was then married to an English knight [Hugh Swynford] now dead.

The duke of Lancaster had three children¹ by her, previous to his marriage, two sons and a daughter: the eldest son was named [his illegitimate son] John (age 23) lord Beaufort of Lancaster; the other [his illegitimate son] Thomas [Henry] (age 21), whom the duke kept at the schools in Oxford, and made a great churchman and civihan. He was afterward bishop of Lincoln, which is the richest bishopric in the kingdom: from affection to these children, the duke married their mother, to the great astonishment of France and England, for Catherine Swynford was of base extraction in comparison to his two former duchesses Blanche and Constance. When this marriage was announced to the ladies of high rank in England, such as the [his sister-in-law] duchess of Gloucester (age 30), the countess of Derby², the countess of Arundel (age 20), and others connected with the royal family, they were greatly shocked, and thought the duke much to blame. They said, "he had sadly disgraced himself by thus marrying his concubine;" and added, that, "since it was so, she would be the second lady in the kingdom, and the queen (age 6) would be dishonourably accompanied by her; but that, for their parts, they would leave her to do the honours alone, for they would never enter any place where she was. They themselves would be disgraced if they suffered such a base-born duchess, who had been the duke's concubine a long time before and during his marriages, to take precedence, and their hearts would burst with grief were it to happen." Those who were the most outrageous on the subject were the [his brother] duke (age 41) and duchess of Gloucester. They considered the duke of Lancaster as a doating fool for thus marrying his concubine, and declared they would never honour his lady by calling her sister. The [his brother] duke of York (age 54) made light of the matter, for he lived chiefly with the king and his brother of Lancaster. The duke of Gloucester was of a different way of thinking: although the youngest of the three brothers, he yielded to no man's opinion, was naturally very proud and overbearing, and in opposition to the king's ministers, unless he could turn them as he willed. Catherine Ruet, however, remained duchess of Lancaster, and the second lady in England, as long as she lived. She was a lady accustomed to honours, for she had been brought up at court during her youth, and the duke fondly loved the children he had by her, as he showed during his life and at his death.

Note 1. Froissart mistakes in the number, and Thomas for Henry. According to Sandford, he had four children by Catherine Swynford: — John Beaufort, earl of Somerset, — Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester and cardinal of Beaufort, — [his illegitimate son] Thomas Beaufort (age 19), duke of Exeter and earl of Dorset, — [his illegitimate daughter] Joan Beaufort (age 17), countess of Westmoreland. For farther particulars, see Sandford and Dugdale.

Note 2. This reference to the Countess of Derby is confusing. In 1396 the Earl of Derby was [his son] Henry (age 28), future King Henry IV, who inherited the title from fhis mother Blanche when she died in 1368. Henry's first wife [his former daughter-in-law] Mary Bohun had died in 1394, and he marired his second wife [his future daughter-in-law] Joanna of Navarre Queen Consort England (age 26) in 1403?

Life Charles VI by a Monk of St Denis [~1420]. [30th October 1396] Thus far awaited by the kings, Lady Isabelle, with a retinue of distinguished ladies adorned with golden and gem-studded garlands, also mounted on horses adorned with royal trappings, then arrived. If you had attended to their appearance, you would have undoubtedly said that it was the assembly of goddesses and a ritual long imagined renewed. To recount each detail that made the royal virgin conspicuous at that time would be long; but using brevity, it is hardly recalled in the memory of men to have seen in the annals of history any authority with such a rich flow of horses, chariots, and litters, and such a noble retinue of barons and knights soliciting the marriage of a foreign prince. Therefore, in royal attire, adorned with golden embroidered lilies and a golden diadem, while the kings, as previously mentioned, were exiting from their tents to celebrate mutual conversation near the aforementioned pallium; with trumpets and sweetly resonating musical instruments, she was led to her father's place. And no sooner had they arrived to honour her properly than the [his wife] Duchess of Lancaster (age 45) and the [his sister-in-law] Duchess of Gloucester (age 30) soon approached her. With them, also, the Dukes of Orléans, Bitturiae, and Burgundy were present, who, receiving her in their arms, honourably presented her to King Richard of England. When he had greeted her twice on bent knee, satisfied with this reverence, and leaving his seat, he gently embraced her with the kiss of peace in the presence of her father, who then directed a word to him: "Behold," he said, "my son, the daughter whom I had promised you; I leave her to you, asking that you henceforth love her as your own wife."

When he had willingly pledged this, having given a kiss to his father and parents with tears, he made her be led to Calais. Then, celebrating a solemn banquet for the King of France, he honoured him more courteously than usual; for he not only granted him the right-hand seat, but also had dishes brought in successively served during the meal, with counts of royal lineage being present, who, serving him honourably, offered bread and cups in royal fashion. Then the kings reclined alone; to whom, during the meal, the dukes of both parties were obedient, proceeding with all kinds of dishes. When this was completed, when the King of England had taken cups from the hand of the Duke of Lancaster (age 56), and the King of France from the hand of the Duke of Orléans, they offered each other the following gifts. A solid gold vessel, suitable for offering dishes, with a sumptuous necklace was granted by the father to the son; who, not being ungrateful to his father, presented another necklace. Following his example, the Duke of Lancaster gave one other to himself, exceeding in value what he had recently received as a gift from King John of France. When these matters were completed, when the kings had proceeded on horseback up to the pallium, and the King of England, receiving a diamond and a sapphire of immense value, had compensated for the gifts of his father with the two best right-hand men, then with mutual farewell spoken, they mixed kisses of peace, and thus each joyfully returned to their own.

Hucusque ab ipsis regibus expectata domina Ysabellis cum comitiva insignium dominarum in sertis aureis et gemmatis, equis eciam cultu regio faleratis insedencium, tunc advenit. Quarum si apparatum attendisses, olim fictum dearum contubernium et ritum dixisses procul dubio renovatum. Referre singula, que regiam virginem tunc reddiderunt conspicuam, longum esset; sed breviloquio utens, memoria hominum minime recolebat in annalibus vidisse hujus auctoritatis aliquam cum tanto divite fluxu equorum, curruum et lecticarum, tamque nobili comitiva baronum et militum extranei principis peciisse connubium. Cultu itaque regio, aureis contexto liliis, aureoque dyademate insignita, interim dum reges, modo quo superius dictum est, de tentoriis exeuntes, ad sepedictum pallum colloquium mutuum celebrarent; cum lituis et instrumentis musicis dulciter resonantibus ad locum paternum perducitur. Nec mora, ut eam honore debito prevenirent, Lencastrie et Glocestrie ducisse mox ad eam accesserunt. Cum duce eciam Aurelianensi Biturie et Burgundie duces affuerunt, qui eam in ulnis suscipientes ipsam regi Anglie Richardo honorifice obtulerunt. Quem cum bis flexis genibus salutasset, hac reverencia contentus, et sedem suam relinquens, eam cum pacis osculo dulciter amplexatus est in patris presencia, qui tunc ad eum verbum dirigens: "Ecce, inquit, filiam, fili mi, quam vobis promiseram, relinquo, rogans ut eam deinceps ut uxorem propriam diligatis."

Quod cum libenti animo spopondisset, cum patri et parentibus osculum cum lacrimis prebuisset, eam ad Calesium duci fecit. Tunc regi Francie celebrans solemne convivium, eum solito curialius honoravit; nam non solum sibi dexteram sedem concessit, sed et fercula allata successive ministrari durante prandio fecit, de genere regali adhibitis comitibus, qui sibi honorifice servientes, panem et pocula regio more offerrent. Soli tunc discubuerunt reges; quibus, durante prandio, duces utriusque partis obsequiosi fuerunt, omnia ferculorum genera precedendo. Quo peracto, cum rex Anglie de manu ducis Lencastrie, et rex Francie de manu ducis Aurelianensis pocula cum speciebus sumpsissent, hec sequencia munera sibi invicem obtulerunt. Vas quidem auri solidum, speciebus porrigendis aptum, cum sumptuoso monili pater filio concessit; qui nec ingratus existens patri monile aliud presentavit. Cujus exemplum dux Lencastrie sequutus, unum aliud sibi dedit in valore excedens quod a Johanne rege Francie dono nuper acceperat. Hiis peractis, cum reges equestres usque ad pallum processissent, et rex Anglie adamantem et saphirum ingentis valoris recipiens, et patris munera duobus dextrariis optimis compensasset, tunc cum mutuo vale dicto pacis oscula miscuerunt, et sic quisque letus ad propria remeavit.

Parliament Rolls Richard II. 4th February 1397. 28. Be it remembered that on Tuesday, the fifteenth day of the parliament [4 February 1397], the chancellor (age 53), by order of the [his nephew] king (age 30), declared that our holy father the pope, in reverence of the most excellent person of the king and his honourable uncle the duke of Guyenne and of Lancaster (age 56), and of his blood, has enabled and legitimized my lord [his illegitimate son] John Beaufort (age 24), his brothers [Note. [his illegitimate son] Cardinal Henry Beaufort (age 22) and [his illegitimate son] Thomas Beaufort 1st Duke Exeter (age 20)], and his [his illegitimate daughter] sister (age 18). And therefore our lord the king, as sole ruler of his kingdom of England, for the honour of his blood, willed and enabled of his abundant royal power, and legitimized, of his own authority, the said John, his said brothers, and sister. And he also pronounced and published the ability and legitimation, according to the form of the charter of the king made thereon.

29. Which charter was read in full parliament, and delivered to the said duke, father of the said John, and his said brothers and sister; the tenor of which charter follows:

Richard, by the grace of God, king of England and France and lord of Ireland, to our most beloved kinsmen the noble John, knight, Henry, cleric, Thomas, donzel, and our beloved noblewoman Joan Beaufort, lady-in-waiting, our most beloved cousins born of our uncle that noble man John duke of Lancaster, our lieges, greeting and the goodwill of our royal majesty. While inwardly considering how endlessly and with how many honours of parental and sincere affection of our aforementioned uncle and of his mature counsel we are on all sides blessed, we have judged it appropriate and worthy that in consideration of his merits, and in contemplation of the grace of persons, we should endow you, who are resplendent with probity and virtuous life and conduct, and are born of royal stock and divinely marked with many virtues and gifts, with the protection of grace and favour by special prerogative. Thus it is that, yielding to the prayers of our said uncle, your father, we grant to you who, so it is claimed, have suffered such defect of birth, that, notwithstanding this defect, which, together with its various consequences, we wish to be fully included in these presents, you may nevertheless receive all honours, dignities, preferments, estates, degrees, and public and private offices, both perpetual and temporal, and feudal and noble rights, by whatsoever name they are called, such as duchies, lordships, earldoms, baronies, or whatsoever other fiefs they be, whether they be dependent upon or held of us mediately or intermediately, which may be preferred, promoted, elected, taken up and allowed, and received, retained, performed and exercised prudently, freely and lawfully, as if you were born in wedlock, notwithstanding any statutes or customs of our kingdom of England decreed or observed to the contrary; and we dispense you [from this defect] by the tenor of these presents, by the plenitude of our royal power and with the assent of our parliament; and we restore you and each of you to legitimacy.

Parliament Rolls Richard II. 32. The [his nephew] king (age 30) to his archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, dukes, earls, barons, justices, sheriffs, reeves, ministers, and other his bailiffs and faithful men, greeting. Know that we, considering the strenuous probity and prudent mind, distinguished conduct and nobility of birth of our beloved and faithful kinsman [his illegitimate son] John Beaufort (age 24), knight, son of our beloved uncle John duke of Aquitaine and Lancaster (age 56), and willing therefore deservedly to exalt the same John Beaufort with the prerogative of honour, we do appoint and create John Beaufort earl of Somerset in our present parliament, and invest him with the style and name and honour of the aforesaid earl by girding him with the sword, to have to him and his male heirs issuing from his body in perpetuity. And that the same earl and his aforesaid heirs, given such name and honour, may the better and more honourably support the burdens incumbent upon the same, of our special grace in our present parliament we have given and granted, and by this our charter confirmed, to the same earl and his aforesaid heirs twenty pounds to be received each year from the issues of the aforesaid county by the hand of the sheriff of that county for the time being, at the terms of Easter and Michaelmas [29 September] in equal portions, in perpetuity. Witnessed by these, the venerable father Thomas archbishop of Canterbury (age 44) primate of all England, John of Aquitaine and Lancaster, and [his brother] Edmund of York (age 55), dukes; Robert of London, William of Winchester (age 77), John of Ely, Edmund of Exeter, our chancellor (age 53), bishops; [his son] Henry of Derby (age 29), [his nephew] Edward of Rutland (age 24), Thomas of Nottingham and marshal of England (age 28), earls; Reginald Grey (age 35), [his son-in-law] Ralph Neville (age 33), John Lovell, knights; Roger Walden dean of York, our treasurer, Thomas Percy (age 54), steward of our household, Guy Mone, keeper of our privy seal, and others. Given by our hand at Westminster on 10 February in the twentieth year of our reign [10th February 1397].

Froissart Book 4 Chapter 94. Before 16th September 1398. The two earls, in the mean time, were making every preparation for their combat. The duke of Lancaster (age 58) never went near the king, and as seldom saw his [his son] son (age 31), acting throughout with great good sense. He knew the earl of Derby was very popular with all ranks in England, but more particularly with the Londoners, who waited on him, and addressed him, - "Earl of Derby, make your mind easy: whatever may be the event of this combat it will turn out to your honour, in spite of the king and all his minions. We know well how things are managed, and what will be the result of them: this accusation has been invented by envy, to cause your banishment out of the kingdom, where they are aware you are so greatly beloved by all ranks and sexes; and should you be forced to quit us in sorrow, you shall return in joy, for you are more worthy to rule than [his nephew] Richard of Bordeaux (age 31). Whoever may choose to search the matter to the bottom, to discover the real origin of you both, will soon see that you have a greater right to the crown of England than he who wears it, although we have paid him homage, and acknowledged him for king these twenty years; but that was obtained by the entreaties of your grandfather, king Edward of happy memory, who was suspicious of what we hint, and feared the consequences. There was once a serious dispute on this subject between king Edward and your grandfather by your mother's side, duke Henry of Lancaster, but the great lords interfered and made up matters between them. King Edward was valiant and successful in all his enterprises, and had gained the love of his subjects high and low. Your grandfather of Lancaster only required from the king what was just, and served him and his kingdom so loyally, that his conduct deserved the commendation of all. Every one who knew him called him their old father. These things are worthy of king Richard's consideration, and may make him repent, if anything can, at his leisure, that he has not more prudently governed." Such conversations did many of the nobles and citizens of London hold with the earl of Derby, who was pleased with their affection, and received them kindly. He did not, however, neglect any preparations for his combat, but sent to every one of his friends throughout England, to entreat their company at the appointed day and place.

Froissart Book 4 Chapter 95. 16th September 1398. Not long after this, the [his nephew] king of England (age 31) summoned a large council of the great nobles and prelates at Eltham [Map]. On their arrival, he placed his two uncles of Lancaster (age 58) and [his brother] York (age 57) beside him, with the earls of Northumberland (age 56), Salisbury (age 48) and [his son-in-law] Huntingdon (age 46). The [his son] earl of Derby (age 31) and the earl marshal (age 30) were sent for, and put into separate chambers, for it had been ordered they were not to meet. The king showed he wished to mediate between them, notwithstanding their words had been very displeasing to him, and ought not to be lightly pardoned. He required therefore that they should submit themselves to his decision; and to this end sent the constable of England, with four great barons, to oblige them to promise punctually to obey it. The constable and the lords waited on the two earls, and explained the king's intentions They both bound themselves, in their presence, to abide by whatever sentence the king should give. They having reported this, the king said, "Well then, I order that the earl marshal, for having caused trouble in this kingdom, by uttering words which he could not prove otherwise than by common report, be banished the realm: he may seek any other land he pleases to dwell in, but he must give over all hope of returning hither, as I banish him for life. I also order, that the earl of Derby, our cousin, for having angered us, and because he has been, in some measure, the cause of the earl marshal's crime and punishment, prepare to leave the kingdom within fifteen days, and be banished hence for the term of ten years, without daring to return unless recalled by us; but we shall reserve to ourself the power of abridging this term in part or altogether." The sentence was satisfactory to the lords present, who said: "The earl of Derby may readily go two or three years and amuse himself in foreign parts, for he is young enough; and, although he has already travelled to Prussia, the Holy Sepulchre, Cairo and Saint Catherine's¹, he will find other places to visit. He has two sisters, queens of [his daughter] Castillo (age 25) and of [his daughter] Portugal (age 38), and may cheerfully pass his time with them. The lords, knights and squires of those countries, will make him welcome, for at this moment all warfare is at an end. On his arrival in Castille, as he is very active, he may put them in motion, and lead them against the infidels of Granada, which will employ his time better than remaining idle in England. Or he may go to Hainault, where his cousin, and brother in arms, the count d'Ostrevant, will be happily to see him, and gladly entertain him, that he may assist him in his war against the Frieslanders. If he go to Hainault, lie can have frequent intelligence from his own country and children. He therefore cannot fail of doing well, whithersoever he goes; and the king may speedily recall him, through means of the good friends he will leave behind, for he is the finest feather in his cap; and he must not therefore suffer him to be too long absent, if he wish to gain the love of his subjects. The earl marshal has had hard treatment, for he is banished without hope of ever being recalled; but, to say the truth, he has deserved it, for all this mischief has been caused by him and his foolish talking: he must therefore pay for it." Thus conversed many English knights with each other, the day the king passed sentence on the earl of Derby and the earl marshal.

Note 1. The monastery on Mount Sinai. - Ed.